background preloader

Political Philosophy

Facebook Twitter

Buckley Era anti-nationalism. -The argument of Liberal Fascism is that the nationalist/internationalist dichotomy is not fundamental or even essential to the political Right/Left.

Buckley Era anti-nationalism

Socialism and central planning is leftism whether internationalist or nationalist, and free markets and… uh… not-central planning is conservatism or the right, whether nationalist or internationalist. This “not-central planning, but not nationalist” philosophy was central to the contemporary Right in what might be called the Buckley Era, running roughly from Whittaker Chambers’s conversion in 1952 (or the nomination of Goldwater a decade later) until the last election. -Until the end of the Cold War The Right didn’t need to define what “not-central planning” was since it was obvious: not-Soviet Russia. This set the bar so ridiculously low for what would count as “non-centrally planned” that almost everyone could clear it. Alasdair MacIntyre: From Socratic Subverter to Supporter of the State. I.

Alasdair MacIntyre: From Socratic Subverter to Supporter of the State

What Alasdair MacIntyre Knows What Alasdair MacIntyre used to know, and has been the master teacher of for decades, is that the modern nation-state, particularly in its present Levianthanian-Imperial configuration, cannot, on its own terms and by its own power, do anything truly good for its citizens. Prof. MacIntyre has argued consistently and forcefully that political liberalism, whether European or American, due to its essential foundation in the anti-Aristotelian, pro-Lockean privatization of the good, its defective, Enlightenment-inherited notion of practical reason (which inevitably becomes the Nietzschean will to power, albeit a smiling bureaucratic and therapeutic one), its Weberian compartmentalization of agency and authority, and its embodiment, since the late nineteenth century, in nation-states of ever-increasing unnatural size and unwieldy complexity, is simply not adequate to the job of true politics—that is, a politics of the common good.

But, as Prof. Prof. II. Prof. More than a Passing Fancy. Tolerance and Natural Law. The Strange Second Life of Confessional States. Neutered by Neutrality: The Abiding Influence of John Rawls, Part Two. Defeated by Default: The Abiding Influence of John Rawls, Part One. The legal outcome of too many morally contentious political issues in our time is now guaranteed in advance.

Defeated by Default: The Abiding Influence of John Rawls, Part One

Take abortion, gay marriage, and transgender “rights.” These causes prevail at court not because of any provision in the Constitution, but because of the Rawlsian philosophy of jurisprudence that permeates America’s top universities and law schools. Writing in the Times Literary Supplement, the British philosopher Jonathan Wolff suggested that while there might be a dispute about the second most important political philosopher of the twentieth century, there could be no dispute about the most important: John Rawls. His widespread influence is especially strong among our nation’s educated elite—in other words, those who make up the vast majority of federal judges.

Law

Community and Civil Society (Tonnies) 4 Reasons Aquinas On Rights And Modern Individual Rights Are Very Different. "This statue of St Thomas, holding his greatest works and the Eucharist, portrays him as 'Teacher of the Eucharist', and he is surrounded by verses from various of his Eucharistic hymns and texts, and angels in Dominican habits.

4 Reasons Aquinas On Rights And Modern Individual Rights Are Very Different

This altarpiece is in the Dominican priory church of the Annunciation in Paris. " Fr. Lawrence, OP. Flickr. 4 Reasons Aquinas on Rights and Modern Individual Rights are Very Different by HHAmbrose on 2015-03-16 • 10:28 pm • 4 Comments. Liberalism and Islam. Note: What follows is pretty long, especially if you think of it as a blog post.

Liberalism and Islam

So think of it instead as an article. The topic does not, in any event, lend itself to brevity. Nor do I think it ideal to break up the flow of the argument by dividing the piece into multiple posts. So here it is in one lump. It is something of a companion piece to my recent post about whether Christians and Muslims worship the same God. In an article in The New Criterion over a decade ago, the late political scientist Kenneth Minogue noted a developing tendency in contemporary progressivism toward “Christophobia,” a movement beyond mere disbelief in Christian doctrine toward outright hostility. Now, how do contemporary liberals view Islam? Consider too that theological liberalism has few takers in contemporary Islam. Liberalism and Islam. What "Social Justice" Really Means.

For much of my academic life, I considered the terms, “values,” “rights,” and “social justice,” to have equivocal meanings.

What "Social Justice" Really Means

When these terms were used without clarification, they disrupted any fair social order. Each of the phrases had two or more meanings that usually meant the direct opposite of each other. Conversations and legislation in which these terms were used almost always ended in incoherence. One group used a term one way; the next group used it in an opposite way. Both usages were found in the language with various explanations of how they came into common usage. “Value” was a term from Max Weber or Nietzsche that denied any grounding to our ethical lives. The word “rights” caused even more confusion.

The Leviathan state was contractually empowered to guarantee these “rights.” “Social justice” was purportedly a new addition to the classical legal, distributive, and commutative justice ideas found in Aristotle. What is argued here is lucid and well-grounded. R. A. Markus, Saeculum VI — Coge Intrare. We have now summarized chapters one, two, three, four, and five of Robert A.

R. A. Markus, Saeculum VI — Coge Intrare

Markus’ Saeculum. We turn now to chapter six — not the final chapter of the book (there is one more, and several appendices), but the final one dealing with purely historical matters, and the last we shall cover for the foreseeable future. Chapter 6Coge Intrare: The Church and Political Power. "Sacred and Inviolable": Rerun Novarum and Natural Rights. Catholic Social Teaching – A Reading List. Note: This suggested reading list on Catholic social teaching (CST) first appeared on the old Opus Publicum on December 3, 2013.

Catholic Social Teaching – A Reading List

It remains substantially unchanged, though I have added a few suggestions and modified some others. As most readers of this web-log know by now, I am a strong proponent of reading the Church’s social magisterium holistically rather than selectively. However, for the purposes of this list, I have focused on the Church’s pre-Vatican II teachings for the simple fact that they tend to be clearer and more direct than certain recent expressions of CST. Papal Encyclicals/Declarations Though CST has a long intellectual and doctrinal pedigree, almost nobody disputes that its modern formulation began with Leo XIII’s landmark Rerum Novarum (1891) and received a major shot in the arm with Pius XI’s Quadragesimo Anno (1931).

The Impossibility of Secular Society by Rémi Brague. There is no such thing as a secular society.

The Impossibility of Secular Society by Rémi Brague

My claim is a brutal and paradoxical one: The question about the possibility of a secular society resolves itself, or rather it dissolves itself. To defend this claim I would like to submit two-and-a-half theses. First, a purely secular society simply cannot survive in the long run. As a consequence, leaving behind secularism is a necessary move, indeed a vital one. ‘In Dread of Modernity’: Republican Liberty and the Common Good in the American Tradition. By Felix de St.

‘In Dread of Modernity’: Republican Liberty and the Common Good in the American Tradition

Vincent The revolutions of the 18th century appealed to ancient as well as to modern authorities. As I have argued elsewhere, the American Revolution appealed to ancient republican notions of the rule of law and the advantages of a mixed regime, and to medieval English conceptions of cosmic order being embodied in the ancient laws which had held since ‘time out of mind.’ But, as Charles Taylor argues, these ancient conceptions were to a large extent ‘colonized‘ and taken over by modern, Enlightenment ones which took over much of the form of the more ancient ideas, but without the substance of cosmic order and the primacy of the common good: « The American Revolution is in a sense the watershed. It was undertaken in a backward-looking spirit, in the sense that the colonists were fighting for their established rights as Englishmen. Are American democracy and Catholicism compatible? American democracy and liberal democracy are, oftentimes, taken to be synonymous. . [9] J. Locke’s Doctrine of Toleration: A Contract with Nothingness.

By Jeffrey Bond Today we present the first installment of an essay on John Locke’s doctrine of toleration. Though we have already published an extended analysis of Locke’s famous Letter on Toleration, the topic merits further analysis, especially given the centrality of this doctrine to American politics today. This series will focus less on the particulars of the Letter and more on Locke’s doctrine at large and our proper attitude toward it as Catholics. Logos and Leviathan: Leonine Perspectives on Democracy. Must the political order be derived from a cosmic model (or, at any rate, from an external, transcendent reference point), or are there valid and effective substitutes? Can unaided humanity, through the mobilization of its faculties, create a sacred, or at least a myth, powerful enough to convey a model?

If the answer to these questions is no, we must ask then: Can a community exist without the sacred component, by the mere power of rational decisions and intellectual discourse? The Dignity of Politics and the End of the Polity. By Henri Grenier We have published several extracts from Henri Grenier’s Manual of Thomistic moral philosophy on The Josias. We find Grenier’s manual notable for its rich understanding of the common good. Grenier’s understanding of the common good allowed him, as an early reviewer noted, to return to Aristotle’s division of practical science into ethics (or monastics), domestics (or economics), and politics, with politics given pride of place. Is marriage ‘pre-political’? At the founding, such conduct was understood to predate government, not to flow from it. As Locke had explained many years earlier, “The first society was between man and wife, which gave beginning to that between parents and children.”

Locke §77, at 39; see also J. Wilson, Lectures on Law, in 2 Collected Works of James Wilson 1068 (K. Hall and M. Hall eds. 2007) (concluding “that to the institution of marriage the true origin of society must be traced”). The Duties and Rights of Subjects toward the Civil Power. By Tommaso Maria Cardinal Zigliara, OP. Political Philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre. The Good, the Highest Good, and the Common Good. Constitutional Democracy vs. the Common Good. The transcendental good. September 23, 2015 at 2:27 pm (Uncategorized) (a distillation of ST. 1.5.1) The good is whatever a thing desires or tends to or seeks to preserve.

Age of Exhaustion.