Monroe, North Carolina Monroe is a fast-growing city and the county seat in Union County, North Carolina, United States. The population jumped from 26,228 in 2000 to 36,397 in 2010. It is the seat of government of Union County [3] and is also part of the Charlotte-Gastonia-Rock Hill, NC-SC Metropolitan area. Geography[edit] Monroe is located at WikiMiniAtlas 34°59′20″N 80°32′59″W / 34.98889°N 80.54972°W / 34.98889; -80.54972 (34.988760, -80.549792)[4]. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of 24.9 square miles (64 km2), of which, 24.6 square miles (64 km2) of it is land and 0.3 square miles (0.78 km2) of it (1.13%) is water. History[edit] In 1843, the first Board of County Commissioners, appointed by the General Assembly selected an area in the center of the county as the county seat and Monroe was incorporated that year. Ludwig drums and timpani are manufactured in Monroe, North Carolina. Monroe was home to the Starlite Speedway in the 1960s to 70's. Demographics[edit]
Top 10 Examples of NAACP Racism The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) condemned the Tea Party movement last month for alleged bigotry within its ranks. The mainstream always seems extreme to extremists. As the following top-ten list demonstrates, the NAACP, a hotbed of political hotheads in recent years, isn’t the best organization to be lecturing others about extremism. 10. In March 2008, ABC News revealed that Barack Obama’s pastor had preached that African Americans should sing “not God Bless America, God Damn America,” that 9/11 proved that “America’s chickens are coming home to roost,” and that the U.S. government invented AIDS. 9. 8. 7. 6. 5. 4. 3. 2. 1. Rather than unnamed “racists” operating on the peripheries, or six-degrees-of-separation logic that lamely attempts to project X’s extremism upon Y, the above examples involve the NAACP’s official acts and duly elected leaders. Isn’t it time for the NAACP to accept responsibility for its own extremism?
Union County, North Carolina Union County is included in the Charlotte-Concord-Gastonia, NC-SC Metropolitan Statistical Area. History[edit] The county was formed in 1842 from parts of Anson County and Mecklenburg County. Its name was a compromise between Whigs, who wanted to name the new county for Henry Clay, and Democrats, who wanted to name it for Andrew Jackson. The Helms, Starnes, McRorie, and Belk families took a major part in the Monroe and Charlotte, North Carolina. Most of these families came from Goose Creek Township. Monroe, the county seat of Union County, also became a focal point during the Civil Rights Movement. Law and government[edit] Union County is a member of the regional Centralina Council of Governments. Geography[edit] According to the U.S. Adjacent counties[edit] Major highways[edit] Demographics[edit] In the county the population was spread out with 32.90% under the age of 20, 4.7% from 20 to 24, 27.7% from 25 to 44, 25.2% from 45 to 64, and 9.6% who were 65 years of age or older. Communities[edit]
Paralyzed Veterans of America You can make a difference in the lives of our paralyzed veterans. Please make a donation today! Spinal cord injury/disease clinicians: Register today for Summit 2015+EXPO in Jacksonville, FL, Sept 1-3, 2015 Service a vehicle at a Penske Automotive Group dealership, and you can donate $1 in support of Paralyzed Veterans of America. Leave no fallen hero behind. Paralyzed Veterans' G.I.V.E. Robert F. Williams Robert F. Williams, May 1961 Robert Franklin Williams (February 26, 1925 – October 15, 1996) was a civil rights leader and author, best known for serving as president of the Monroe, North Carolina chapter of the NAACP in the 1950s and early 1960s. Williams helped gain gubernatorial pardons for two African-American boys convicted for molestation in the controversial Kissing Case of 1958. Williams' book Negroes with Guns (1962) details his experience with violent racism and his disagreement with the pacifist wing of the Civil Rights Movement. Early life[edit] Williams was born in Monroe, North Carolina in 1925 to Emma Carter and John L. Marriage and family[edit] In 1947, Williams married Mabel Robinson, a fellow civil rights activist. Civil rights activities[edit] After returning to Monroe from the Marines in 1946, Williams joined the local chapter of the NAACP. First they worked to integrate the public library. Black Armed Guard[edit] In Negroes with Guns, Williams writes: Kissing Case[edit]
American Civil Liberties Union History: Voting Rights Act Despite the fact that African Americans and other racial and ethnic minority Americans are guaranteed the right to vote by the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which was passed just after the Civil War in 1870, states and local municipalities continued to use tactics such as poll taxes, literacy tests and outright intimidation to stop people from casting free and unfettered ballots. During the Civil Rights activism of the 1960's, just 5 days after Martin Luther King, Jr. led the march on Selma, President Lyndon Johnson announced his intention to pass a federal Voting Rights Act to insure that no federal, state or local government may in any way impede people from registering to vote or voting because of their race or ethnicity. In 1965, President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act into law. There were 3 enforcement-related provisions of the Voting Rights Act that would have expired in August 2007 unless reauthorized.
EEOC Home Page Independent Lens . NEGROES WITH GUNS: Rob Williams and Black Power . Rob Williams The first African American civil rights leader to advocate armed resistance to racial oppression and violence, Robert F. Williams was born on February 26, 1925 in Monroe, North Carolina. The fourth of five children born to Emma Carter Williams and John Williams, Williams quickly learned to navigate the dangers of being black in the Deep South. Williams’ grandmother, a well-read and proud woman who was born a slave in Union County in 1858, taught Williams to cherish his heritage and to stand up for himself. After high school Williams joined the Marines in hopes of being assigned to information services, where he could pursue journalism. In 1956, Williams took over leadership of the local chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), which was close to disbanding due to a relentless backlash by the Ku Klux Klan. The NAACP suspended Williams for advocating violence. Listen to songs and speeches from "Radio Free Dixie" >> Read the filmmaker Q&A >>
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Melissa Harris-Perry: Dear Scalia: ‘Entitlement’ comment undermines core of our democracy now playing Can ‘swagger-challenged’ Dems flip the House?up next GOP candidate flips the script Can more voters be mobilized for midterms? Key midterm races to keep an eye on Residents look to exit diversifying community A model of success for integrated communities Has America made progress on fair housing? How race can affect the very air you breathe Immigration hunger strike rolls on Troubling behavior some girls see as ‘normal’ Is sexual harassment a new normal for girls? One woman’s journey to ‘free womanhood’ How do Americans decide who they fear? The economic fairness for women workers
Civil rights groups blast parents opting their kids out of high-stakes tests. Why they are wrong. Is high-stakes standardized testing helping students who live in poverty and students of color — or hurting them? A dozen civil rights groups have released a statement (see below) opposing efforts by parents and others to boycott high-stakes standardized tests aligned to the Common Core and similar standards, saying that the tests are valuable to students of color and those from low-income families. The statement says in part: The Network for Public Education, an advocacy group started by historian Diane Ravitch and others, released a response saying that it is the high-stakes tests themselves that are doing the harm, not parents who are opting their children out of taking these exams. Are high-stakes standardized tests really the only available, consistent and objective source of data about disparities in educational outcomes? Here’s the statement released Tuesday by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights:
Racial entitlement? One day, many years ago, I was working in my college bookstore when this guy walks in wearing a T-shirt. "White Power," it said. I was chatting with a friend, Cathy Duncan, and what happened next was as smooth as if we had rehearsed it. All at once, she's sitting on my lap or I'm sitting on hers -- I can't remember which -- and that white girl gives this black guy a peck on the lips. Mr. Which tells you something about how those of us who came of age in the first post-civil rights generation tended to view racism; we saw it as something we could dissipate with a laugh, a tired old thing that had bedeviled our parents, yes, but which we were beyond. I've spent much of my life since then being disabused of that naivete. So a chill crawled my spine last week as the Supreme Court heard arguments in a case that could result in gutting the Voting Rights Act. One of the act's key provisions covers nine mostly Southern states and scores of municipalities with histories of such behavior. Why?