background preloader

Minimal State Essay

Facebook Twitter

Washington Consensus. Introduction to "Property Rights and Neoliberalism" | Laura Hatcher. Libertarian movement in the US (which has a familial relationship with neoliberalismabroad) has coupled animosity toward direct government seizures with resistance againstregulatory regimes by attempting to demonstrate specific regulatory effects that allegedlydiminish property values. According to this design, whether it is direct or indirect,government policy that penetrates the boundaries of private property violates a basic tenetof fundamental liberty.

Ultimately, the effort appears to place cultural demands for property in a new light, both in the US and throughout the world. This collection providesa range of perspectives on these phenomena. Property Rights in Neoliberal Contexts In the case of property rights, neoliberalism’s role matters in part because it has,over the course of the last half of the twentieth century, responded to and been a part of restructuring our notions of property and the institutions that regulate it. Www.ibcperu.org/doc/isis/7575.pdf. Www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/(httpAuxPages)/9E1C54CEEB19A314C12570B4004D0881/$file/scholte.pdf. Alternatives to Neoliberal Globalization. Neoliberalism and Economic Globalization. The goal of neoliberal economic globalization is the removal of all barriers to commerce, and the privatization of all available resources and services. In this scenario, public life will be at the mercy of market forces, as the extracted profits benefit the few, writes Rajesh Makwana. 23rd November 06 - Rajesh Makwana, STWR The thrust of international policy behind the phenomenon of economic globalization is neoliberal in nature.

Being hugely profitable to corporations and the wealthy elite, neoliberal polices are propagated through the IMF, World Bank and WTO. Neoliberalism favours the free-market as the most efficient method of global resource allocation. There has been much international attention recently on neoliberalism. The neoliberal experiment has failed to combat extreme poverty, has exacerbated global inequality, and is hampering international aid and development efforts. Introduction Neoliberalism has also been unable to address growing levels of global inequality. Free Trade. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 99, No. 1 (Jan., 2005), pp. 306-310.

Www.foodfirst.org/files/bookstore/pdf/promisedland/5.pdf. Utopia, the minimal state, and entitlement. The Rationale of the Minimal State - BARRY - 2004 - The Political Quarterly. Www.rrojasdatabank.info/neolibstate/neolibstate1.pdf. Debunking Austrian Economics 101. Corruption resources. Www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/dyanagi/Research/Getting Prices Right.pdf. The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Fall 2002), pp. 141-160.

Robert Nozick and the Immaculate Conception of the State - Murray N. Rothbard. [This article is taken from chapter 29 of The Ethics of Liberty.[1] Listen to this chapter in MP3, read by Jeff Riggenbach. The entire book is being prepared for podcast and download.] Introduction Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia[2] is an "invisible hand" variant of a Lockean contractarian attempt to justify the State, or at least a minimal State confined to the functions of protection. Beginning with a free-market anarchist state of nature, Nozick portrays the State as emerging, by an invisible hand process that violates no one's rights, first as a dominant protective agency, then to an "ultraminimal state," and then finally to a minimal state.

Before embarking on a detailed critique of the various Nozickian stages, let us consider several grave fallacies in Nozick's conception itself, each of which would in itself be sufficient to refute his attempt to justify the State.[3] The Ahistorical State Thus, we have seen Nozick's "Nonaggressive" State So far so good. Faculty.msb.edu/hasnasj/GTWebSite/06_Hasnas.pdf. Eview.anu.edu.au/cross-sections/vol6/pdf/ch10.pdf. The Contradictions and Limits of European Embedded Neoliberalism | Peppe Grasso.

Introduction Since the late 1980s, the process of European economic integration has been pervaded by anew politico-economic paradigm, i.e. ‘ embedded neoliberalism’ . This did not emerge as an ortho-dox kind of neoliberalism, but rather as a hybrid version incorporating, at least originally, elementsof neo-mercantilism and social democracy. It provided the underlying structure for the constitutionof a European ‘Economic and Monetary Union’ (EMU) and played crucial roles in determining theinstitutional framework of European economic governance and the management of European eco-nomic affairs in the course of the last two decades.The purpose of this paper will be to highlight contradictions and limitations inherent in ‘embeddedneoliberalism’ within three domains: (I) economic governance, (II) economic regime, (III)contemporary sovereign debt crisis management.

Dissertation #559584 The Contradictions and Limits of European Embedded Neoliberalism. Www.cpsa-acsp.ca/papers-2011/Akinola.pdf. Friedrich Nietzsche. 1. Life: 1844–1900 In the small German village of Röcken bei Lützen, located in a rural farmland area southwest of Leipzig, Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche was born at approximately 10:00 a.m. on October 15, 1844. The date coincided with the 49th birthday of the Prussian King, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, after whom Nietzsche was named, and who had been responsible for Nietzsche's father's appointment as Röcken's town minister.

Nietzsche's uncle and grandfathers were also Lutheran ministers, and his paternal grandfather, Friedrich August Ludwig Nietzsche (1756–1826), was further distinguished as a Protestant scholar, one of whose books (1796) affirmed the “everlasting survival of Christianity.” When Nietzsche was nearly 5 years old, his father, Karl Ludwig Nietzsche (1813–1849) died from a brain ailment (July 30, 1849) and the death of Nietzsche's two-year-old brother, Ludwig Joseph, traumatically followed six months later (January 4, 1850). 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Infant industry argument. The infant industry argument is an economic rationale for trade protectionism. The core of the argument is that nascent industries often do not have the economies of scale that their older competitors from other countries may have, and thus need to be protected until they can attain similar economies of scale.

The argument was first fully articulated by Alexander Hamilton in his 1790 Report on Manufactures, was systematically developed by Daniel Raymond,[1] and was later picked up by Friedrich List in his 1841 work The National System of Political Economy, following his exposure to the idea during his residence in the United States in the 1820s.[1] Many countries have successfully industrialized behind tariff barriers. For example, from 1816 through 1945, tariffs in the USA were among the highest in the world.[1] According to Ha-Joon Chang, "Almost all of today’s rich countries used tariff protection and subsidies to develop their industries. "[2] The process of economic development. Joseph Stiglitz and the World Bank: The Rebel Within - Joseph Eugene Stiglitz. Www.open.ac.uk/socialsciences/emergentpublics/publications/barnett_publicsandmarkets.pdf.

LSMS - Data Sets. Siteresources.worldbank.org/INTPA/Resources/429966-1259774805724/Poverty_Inequality_Handbook_Ch02. Economic Development vs Economic Growth. State Formation, State Development, and State Challenges. Denmark and South Korea compared – University of Copenhagen. See schedule here Responsible: Professor Hanseok Suh, Gachon University, South Korea.Professor Lars Bo Kaspersen, University of Copenhagen.Director Geir Helgesen, Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS). Course level: This a course offered at masters level - it is open for students with a social science or humanity background (political, science, sociology, anthropology, economics, development studies etc.

Introduction and objectives:This new and innovative course seeks to explore the complex issue about state and societal development. When we look around the world today we find approx. 195 UN recognized states and the trend is towards more states rather than fewer. These states and societies have different histories, have had different trajectories and some have become more prosperous than others. The approach to this complex issue requires open mindedness and inter-disciplinarity. Structure:Part I: State formation - State and society (definitions and conceptual issues) - Demography 1. 4. THE STATE AND CAPITALISM: Theories of Public Goods.

Napisao Dragan Drača sreda, 25 februar 2009 16:44 Inspite of the usual, ahistorical treatment of capitalism as eternal, the only possible social order by bourgeois economists - which implies one comprehensive theory of capitalism, their views and theories on capitalism have changed side by side with its development, constantly fighting among themselves and denying each other.

The result of this is that what represents "economics science" is actually a heterogenous set of ideas, mutually conflicting and sometimes completely contradictory. Bourgeois economists prefer to call these by a euphemistic name, "schools of economics", but this does not make a difference. This is particularly obvious in the field of the theory of public goods, a branch of bourgeois economics which deals with the role and place of the State in capitalist system, because it is involved in defining current economic policy more than any other branch. Private and public goods The State and the budget 1. Books.google.co.uk/books?id=mpv_P3kmoC4C&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false. The debate on globalization has reached a level of intensity that inhibits comprehension and obscures the issues. In this book a highly distinguished international economist scrupulously explains how globalization works as a concept and how it operates in reality.

Martin Wolf confronts the charges against globalization, delivers a devastating critique of each, and offers a realistic scenario for economic internationalism in the future. Wolf begins by outlining the history of the global economy in the twentieth century and explaining the mechanics of world trade. He dissects the agenda of globalization's critics, and rebuts the arguments that it undermines sovereignty, weakens democracy, intensifies inequality, privileges the multinational corporation, and devastates the environment.

Martin Wolf is associate editor and chief economics commentator at the Financial Times in London. Redirect Notice. Sydney.edu.au/arts/political_economy/downloads/Elizabeth_Thurbon.pdf. India ranks 136 in human development index. A Short History of Enclosure in Britain | The Land Magazine. Over the course of a few hundred years, much of Britain's land has been privatized — that is to say taken out of some form of collective ownership and management and handed over to individuals. Currently, in our "property-owning democracy", nearly half the country is owned by 40,000 land millionaires, or 0.06 per cent of the population,1 while most of the rest of us spend half our working lives paying off the debt on a patch of land barely large enough to accommodate a dwelling and a washing line.

There are many factors that have led to such extreme levels of land concentration, but the most blatant and the most contentious has been enclosure — the subdivision and fencing of common land into individual plots which were allocated to those people deemed to have held rights to the land enclosed. Those of us who have not spent a lifetime studying agricultural history should beware of leaping to convenient conclusions about the past, for nothing is quite what it seems. The Open Field System. Tragedy of the commons. The tragedy of the commons concept is often cited in connection with sustainable development, meshing economic growth and environmental protection, as well as in the debate over global warming. It has also been used in analyzing behavior in the fields of economics, evolutionary psychology, anthropology, game theory, politics, taxation, and sociology.

However the concept, as originally developed, has also received criticism for not taking into account the many other factors operating to enforce or agree on regulation in this scenario. Lloyd's pamphlet[edit] In 1833, the English economist William Forster Lloyd published a pamphlet which included an example of herders sharing a common parcel of land on which they are each entitled to let their cows graze. Garrett Hardin's article[edit] The Universal Declaration of Human Rights describes the family as the natural and fundamental unit of society.

[edit] As a metaphor, the tragedy of the commons should not be taken too literally. See also[edit] Left2Right: How Not to Complain Against Taxes (II): Against Natural Property Rights. « previous post | Main | next post » January 20, 2005 How Not to Complain Against Taxes (II): Against Natural Property Rights Anderson on Political Economy, Anderson on Taxes, Elizabeth Anderson: January 20, 2005 In a previous post, I argued that the claim "it's mine" does not by itself constitute an argument against taxation. Nothing follows about the legitimacy of taxation from the mere fact that something is one's own property, nor, as Locke's example shows, even from the fact that something is one's own by a natural property right. Several comments and a trackback on that post supposed that I was arguing from the truth of Locke's theory of natural property to my conclusions. Now I'd like to take on the idea of such a comprehensive theory of natural property more directly.

I think this picture of capitalism is misguided. . (1) Advanced forms of capitalism depend on types of property that have no natural foundation. Consider, for example, the limited liability corporation. TrackBack. The Right to Private Property. If one doubts that a political economic system rests on certain ethical precepts, the quotation from Peter Unger should help dispel the doubt.

Suppose it is true, as Unger claims, that we are immoral if we do not “give away most of [our] financially valuable assets.” Indeed, more strongly put, suppose we are immoral if we do not support a system of law that requires this of us—that is what’s meant by saying we “must” give our wealth away. What sort of legal system follows from this?

Surely one in terms of which we do not even own our wealth but share it all with those who lack wealth. To give this idea its legal teeth, a socialist economic order would have to be in force. The right to private property would have no place in such a system, for such a right, properly protected, would make it possible for wealth to be spent on goals other than giving it to the poor—according to Unger, a violation of not just a moral but ideally a legal imperative.1 There are two issues here. Myth of Ownership : Taxes and Justice. Web.mit.edu/ipc/publications/pdf/08-004.pdf. Espace.library.uq.edu.au/eserv.php?pid=UQ:10897&dsID=mb-ii-03.pdf. Www.polis.leeds.ac.uk/assets/files/students/student-journal/ma-winter-09/james-ahearne-winter-09.pdf.

International financial institutions. International financial institutions (IFIs) are financial institutions that have been established (or chartered) by more than one country, and hence are subjects of international law. Their owners or shareholders are generally national governments, although other international institutions and other organizations occasionally figure as shareholders. The most prominent IFIs are creations of multiple nations, although some bilateral financial institutions (created by two countries) exist and are technically IFIs.

Many of these are multilateral development banks (MDB). Types[edit] Multilateral development bank[edit] A multilateral development bank (MDB) is an institution, created by a group of countries, that provides financing and professional advising for the purpose of development. The following are usually classified as the main MDBs: There are also several "sub-regional" multilateral development banks. There are also several multilateral financial institutions (MFIs). See also[edit] Is National Defense a Public Good? Is National Defense a Public Good October 29, 2002 This excerpt is part of a chapter of a text I am writing on market failure. Is national defense a pure public good? We can divide this question into three parts. (1) Is national defense a good? (2) Does it have the characteristic of jointness? Is National Defense a Good? The very idea of national defense should stop us from answering this question too quickly.

But this does not totally remove the ambiguity. The essential point is that some residents of a nation may prefer to live under the rule of the very military force or political regime that they expect to replace the one that is currently providing ND. The Jointness Characteristic Let us now ask whether ND has the characteristic of jointness. It is easy to confuse a low marginal cost with a zero marginal cost. For ND to have the characteristic of jointness, at least one of the two following conditions would have to be present. The Non-Exclusion Characteristic Footnotes 1. 2.

References. The Journal of Ethics, Vol. 4, No. 1/2 (Jan. - Mar., 2000), pp. 115-135. Private property. Www.bsos.umd.edu/gvpt/lpbr/subpages/reviews/glendon.htm.