SAGE Journals: Your gateway to world-class journal research. SAGE Journals: Your gateway to world-class journal research. An Integral State - Notes on Marx and Gramsci. Progress in Political Economy (PPE) Elizabeth Humphrys | The University of Sydney - Academia.edu. PhD candidate in Political Economy.
Looking at neoliberalism and the 1983-1996 Prices and Incomes Accord (between the Australian Labour Party & Australian Council of Trade Unions). Masters Research on the Global Justice Movement (Thesis title: 'From offence to defence: The Australian Global Justice Movement and the impact of 9/11'). Oceania and South-East Asia Editor of 'Interface: a journal for and about social movements': www.interfacejournal.net. Co-convenor, Sociology of Economic Life thematic group, The Australian Sociological Association. I blog at:
Labor The Greens. LABOR Taken at face value, Labor is in a lot of trouble. It was difficult to know how to approach Paul Howes’ Confessions Of A Faceless Man, his public “diary” of the 2010 election campaign. Was it to be a tell-all insider’s account delivering anecdotes that journalistic efforts would miss? Was it to be a re-evaluation of the problems the first-term federal government got itself into, a thoughtful introspection on how the ALP went from astronomical to disastrous poll ratings in very short order? Or was it to be a meditation on the long-term trajectory of a Labor Party that, as Howes is keen to tell us on his book tour, needs to have some serious debates about “big picture” ideas. As it turns out, none of the above, and that perhaps explains some of the very critical commentary that has derided Howes for either being one of the vapid apparatchiks who caused this mess, for providing little real “insider” insight, and for generally having a really bloody short memory.
Subcontracting politics Union lineages 0 0 0 New. The Greens at the crossroads: ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ matter more than you’d think - Left FlankLeft Flank. In the last decade there has been a dramatic reconfiguration on the Left of Australian politics. The ALP’s support has dropped to levels not witnessed since the dark years of the Great Depression. Labor has also experienced an excruciating crisis of identity in full public view. In the meantime, the Australian Greens have grown from strength to strength, culminating in winning the balance of power in a hung Parliament in 2010. The party is currently enjoying its peak — so far — of popularity and influence, and this has led The Monthly to commission a lengthy feature by Sally Neighbour, focusing almost exclusively on tensions between Bob Brown and his supporters in NSW on the one hand, and the rest of the NSW Greens on the other.
“Divided We Fall” is a disappointment, a thinly disguised intervention on the side of the Brown camp. I think that it’s outrageous that Bob Brown hasn’t taken a stronger stance against Lee Rhiannon for calling for a boycott. So why does all this matter? Greens' big year may sour. Greens leader has been clashing with the government over the Tasmanian forestry deal Picture: Ray Strange Source: The Australian THE bonds between the government and the Greens are strained by complexities. Some involve the relationship between the two. Others involve subterranean pressures in the party that now holds the Senate balance of power. Bob Brown leapt to Julia Gillard's defence on Monday when speculation over her leadership reached new heights as politicians gathered in Canberra for the return of parliament.
"There's a big swing around from the average punter in favour of Julia Gillard," he insisted at a doorstop in the Senate courtyards. "She is getting a rough time, and quite a bit of the criticism is sexist and unfair and unrelenting, and the Prime Minister needs a bit of a break from that. "It's time she got that break and the people of Australia are indicating she should have it. " Yesterday the Greens' health spokesman, Richard Di Natale, came back with an offer. Left Flank . org. Left Flank @ Overland Magazine. Iraq and the Australian antiwar movement But in November 1999, a watershed moment occurred in the heart of world capitalism – on the streets of Seattle, in the United States – when Teamster unionists, environmentalists dressed as Turtles and many others joined forces to dispute that there was no alternative. Their target was the World Trade Organisation meeting, which was negotiating a new round of free trade agreements, and their blockades of the venue and mass rallies shut it down.
Continue reading 'Iraq and the Australian antiwar movement' 2012: The year that politics disoriented the Left The political prediction business is not one you should engage in unless you’re either willing to repeatedly admit erroneous forecasts (one of Ben Eltham’s most endearing qualities) or to march on obliviously ignoring them (most of the rest of the commentariat). It’s even worse for us Marxists, as we’re notorious for having accurately foretold five out of the last two recessions. A marriage proposal. Elizabeth Humphrys (liz_beths) Dr_Tad (Dr_Tad)
Marxism without revolution: 1 Class. I’ve mentioned Erik Olin Wright’s Envisaging Real Utopias a couple of times, and I’ve also been reading David Harvey’s Enigma of Capital and Jerry Cohen’s if You’re an Egalitarian How Come you’re so Rich. In different ways, all these books raise the question: what becomes of Marxism if you abandon belief in the likelihood or desirability of revolution? To give the shorter JQ upfront, there are lots of valuable insights, but there’s a high risk of political paralysis. I plan alliteratively, to organise my points under three headings: Class, Capital and Crisis, and in this post I’ll talk about class The analysis of economics and history in terms of class struggle is the central distinguishing feature of Marxism, and remains essential to any proper understanding. As Cohen puts it, the revolutionary working class postulated by Marx had to satisfy four conditions: It seems clear, as Cohen says, that no sensible definition of the working class is going to satisfy all four conditions. fn1.
Marxism without revolution: 2 Crisis. I’m writing series of posts examining the question – what is left of Marxism, as a way to understand the world, and as a way to change it, once it is accepted that capitalism is not going to be overthrown by a working class revolution. Last time I talked about class. This post is about crisis. As before, the shorter JQ is “there are lots of valuable insights, but there’s a high risk of political paralysis.” One of the most powerful feature of Marxian analysis is the idea that crisis is a normal part of capitalism rather than an aberration resulting from exogenous shocks.
Marx asserts that crises arise from inherent contradictions in the system and proposes a dialectical account by which the resolution of one crisis produces the contradictions that set the scene for the next. Once the link between crisis and revolution is abandoned, it is necessary to reconsider the whole analysis of crises. Other crises, such as that the 1970s have strengthened the dominant class. Marxism without revolution: 3 Capital. I’ve been writing series of posts examining the question – what is left of Marxism, as a way to understand the world, and as a way to change it, once it is accepted that capitalism is not going to be overthrown by a working class revolution.
The first was about class and the second about crisis. Now for the final instalment: capital. By the way, the first post got translated into Spanish, here. It’s one of the things that I still find stunning about the Internet that things like this can happen. First there is Capital, the book,, and the value theory which is its main focus. As the theoretical basis for a proletarian revolution, Marx’s value theory had some obvious merits. Marx’s theory of value remains as unsatisfactory as ever, and the attempt by Sraffa to revive Ricardian economics, only showed up more problems.
For those engaged in attempts to achieve a better, more equal and more sustainable society, Marx’s theory of value has little to offer. Fn1. Fn2. Fn3. Response to Quiggin, ‘Marxism without revolution’ part 1. Greek workers march on Finance Ministry, finding common cause against austerity Thanks to @liz_beths for her helpful comments and suggestions. The economist John Quiggin — whose valuable book Zombie Economics I reviewed last October — has just completed a three part series on “Marxism without revolution” at his blog. The three posts cover Marx’s ideas on class, crisis and capital.
In responding it is difficult to know where to start because the case he mounts is tautological, often well astray in its representations of what Marx said, and replays well-worn tropes about how Marx got it wrong in terms of the economics without seeming to have much awareness of the substantive debates. I was a bit taken aback by John’s dismissive tone at his blog and in comments at Left Flank, especially after he’d so carefully engaged with what are (in my view and his) obscure and illogical neoliberal economic theories in Zombie Economics. What Marx really said about class Let’s take the example of class.
Response to Quiggin, ‘Marxism without revolution’ part 2. John Quiggin recently ran a series on “Marxism without revolution”, with posts covering Marx’s ideas on class, crisis and capital. I began a response here. In this post I look at his claims about Marx’s theory of crisis and his approach to Left strategy. John’s attack on Marx’s crisis theory, specifically the “law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall”, is different to his criticisms of Marx’s “value theory”. Firstly, he claims that Marx says falling profit rates make working class revolution inevitable rather than just possible and necessary. Marx did argue there were strong “laws” of capitalist development which did inevitably lead to crisis and resistance, but it is quite another thing to suggest he really thought that the outcome (socialism) was assured.
Otherwise, why would he have spent so much time on theory and activism rather than just await the fateful day? Thirdly, he ignores Marx’s description of countervailing tendencies. Keynesianism and capitalism’s ‘Golden Age’
2012: A lesson in how to blame the victim. For the last post of 2012 we were asked to reflect on politics over the last year. In thinking on this for the last week I’ve drafted about ten first paragraphs. The writer’s block arises not from nothing to say, but from a place that wonders how many ways there are to describe how awful the Gillard government is. How many ways there are to verbalise that the political crisis of the Australian elites is playing out in increasingly cruel ways: from the demonising of asylum seekers and placing them in harms way to the smearing of Indigenous communities and the implementation of policies that stigmatise. From cutting single parents benefits to forcing people living with disabilities onto Newstart, to the rollout of the Basics Card, to the poor who are supposedly incapable of managing their government benefits in Bankstown.
All these are policies roundly condemned by non-government bodies and many international welfare agencies. Sounds awfully familiar, doesn’t it? 2012: The year that politics disoriented the Left. The political prediction business is not one you should engage in unless you’re either willing to repeatedly admit erroneous forecasts (one of Ben Eltham’s most endearing qualities) or to march on obliviously ignoring them (most of the rest of the commentariat). It’s even worse for us Marxists, as we’re notorious for having accurately foretold five out of the last two recessions. The problem is that history unfolds dialectically in the real world, and not simply through a logical derivation from some initial starting point. Anyway, I had a go at forecasting in mid-2011, and when recently prompted to return to this by Colin Barker I was surprised at how well my scribblings had stood the test of time.
For instance, I wrote: Strikingly, in this interconnected world, the organisational forms, language and methods of activism first provide inspiration and are then adapted to local circumstances. I added: The return of the political Crisis with no easy resolution from above. Prank calls, the media and the politics of class humiliation. A family picture of Jacintha Saldanha Of course, as Austereo CEO Rhys Holleran told reporters, nobody could have ‘reasonably foreseen’ that a prank telephone call made by two Australian radio presenters would set off a chain of events that included the apparent suicide of a nurse – Jacintha Saldanha, a mother of two teenaged children – on the other side of the world. If there is one thing you learn early in psychiatric training, it’s that we have few (if any) good predictors of an individual’s risk of killing themselves.
But the furore that has erupted over whether the DJs’ actions ‘led’ to a suicide is in many ways a distraction from a more insidious process: the way that the capitalist media creates entertainment from a culture of humiliation in which ordinary people are invited to laugh at the misfortune of the weak and vulnerable. This is the problem with phone pranks such as these – if you think about them and their implications, they aren’t funny.
AUSTERITY series. 1 Explaining the age of austerity: Beyond the conjunctural, the organic crisis re-emerges - Left FlankLeft Flank. How did it come to this? Just two years ago everything seemed so different: The GFC was crashing across the planet, provoking the largest internationally coordinated program of state intervention in human history. Prime Ministers were writing quasi-erudite essays damning “market fundamentalism” while disinterring Keynesianism and social democracy.
Progressive thinkers spoke hopefully of Green New Deals and the return of the welfare state after a long “retreat”. But now all that is gone as we are told to accept the need for an “age of austerity”, where public services are pared back, “overgenerous” benefits removed and work — very hard work — is the organising ideological principle of progressive governance. Keynesianism is put in its place as something that is for the economy and not society, while tax cuts for big corporations and the rich must remain or be extended.
Organic v conjunctural A crisis occurs, sometimes lasting for decades. He goes on to warn: 2 The age of austerity: Social polarisation, fake partisanship & the Left's strategy - Left FlankLeft Flank. Austerity (noun):1. Enforced or extreme economy. From the Greek, austēros, meaning “harsh” or “severe”. The conversion of the present ALP federal government from new-era Keynesian stimulus apostles to sovereign debt doom merchants did not take place overnight, but if it happened anywhere it was in Toronto at the G20 meeting exactly a year ago. As police staged a violent crackdown on dissent in the streets costing $1 billion, finance ministers were convincing each other that the time for stimulus was over and the cost of the crisis would have to be borne by the working class and the poor.
Suddenly “austerity” was all the rage and a crisis caused by greedy bankers and financiers was transformed into one caused by how “we” had “all” been living beyond “our” means — as evidenced by excessive government spending, bloated pension benefits and overpaid public servants living off the taxpayers’ largesse thanks to their all-powerful (yet strangely dinosaur-like) unions. 3 Beyond the age of austerity, a new pattern of resistance and revolution emerges - Left FlankLeft Flank.
RIOTS + Revolutions: in the UK. Intended or not, the consequences of riots are not always negative - Left FlankLeft Flank. Search for "Egypt" Search for "Greece" Search for "Arab spring" Chris Berg’s libertarian dreaming. Or, when ‘liberty’ for the few means tyranny for the many – - Left FlankLeft Flank. Dissecting economic mythologies - Unleashed. The US : Stars & swipes.