Letter to the New Left by C. Wright Mills 1960. C. Wright Mills 1960 Letter to the New Left Source: New Left Review, No. 5, September-October 1960. WHEN I settle down to write to you, I feel somehow “freer” than usual. The reason, I suppose, is that most of the time I am writing for people whose ambiguities and values I imagine to be rather different from mine; but with you, I feel enough in common with you to allow us “to get on with it” in more positive ways. Reading your book, Out of Apathy, prompts me to write to you about several problems I think we now face. It is no exaggeration to say that since the end of World War II in Britain and the United States smug conservatives, tired liberals and disillusioned radicals have carried on a very wearied discourse in which issues are blurred and potential debate muted; the sickness of complacency has prevailed, the bi-partisan banality flourished.
So reasoning collapses into reasonableness. First and above all, it foes rest upon a simple provincialism. But enough. Yours truly, C. Caso Dreyfus. Origem: Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre. Para o historiador Edward McNall Burns, "o efeito do caso Dreyfus foi desmantelar por completo o movimento monarquista na França". Assim, "o caso Dreyfus não foi senão um dos episódios de uma luta mais vasta em torno da questão da Igreja e do Estado". Desde sua fundação, a Terceira República apresentava certa vocação anticlerical. A própria ascensão do nacionalismo militante tendia a conflitar com o poder temporal da Igreja. A hierarquia católica favorecia os monarquistas, que conspiravam contra a República. História[editar | editar código-fonte] Em 1894, Madame Bastian, empregada da limpeza na embaixada alemã em Paris descobriu uma carta suspeita no cesto do lixo do adido militar alemão, o tenente-coronel Schwarzkoppen.
Alfred Dreyfus era o único oficial judeu entre os que poderiam ter escrito a carta. Dreyfus foi condenado à prisão perpétua na Ilha do Diabo, na costa da Guiana Francesa. Alfred Dreyfus em 1935, o ano de seu falecimento. Referências. Port Huron Statement. Argument[edit] The 25,700-word statement "articulated the fundamental problems of American society and laid out a radical vision for a better future".[2] It issued a nonideological call for participatory democracy, "both as a means and an end",[2] based on non-violent civil disobedience and the idea that individual citizens could help make "those social decisions determining the quality and direction" of their lives.[4] Also known as the “Agenda for a Generation”, it "brought the term 'participatory democracy' into the common parlance".[5] Policy recommendations[edit] Disarmament[edit] “Universal controlled disarmament must replace deterrence and arms control as the national defense goal.”[7] Reform of the Democratic Party[edit] University reform[edit] Quotations[edit] "The awe inspired by the pervasiveness of racism in American life is only matched by the marvel of its historical span in American traditions.
In popular culture[edit] See also[edit] References[edit] External links[edit] BBC Mundo | Internacional | Cuando la URSS "desterró" a Stalin. El 25 de febrero de 1956, la URSS comenzaba una nueva etapa política. Hace ahora 50 años, la antigua Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviética (URSS) iniciaba un cambio de rumbo político basado en la "desestalinización" de la sociedad. La nueva dirección política que tomaba el país no sólo tuvo repercusiones internas sino también en otros países ideológicamente aliados de Moscú y en el movimiento comunista mundial. En un dramático "discurso secreto" pronunciado el 25 de febrero de 1956 y que sorprendió a sus camaradas, el nuevo líder soviético, Nikita Kruschev denunció durante el XX Congreso del PCUS "los errores y crímenes de Stalin", derivados del "culto a la personalidad".
La campaña de "desestalinización" -iniciada a sólo tres años de la muerte de Stalin- culminó con la retirada de sus restos del Kremlin y la condena oficial del estalinismo emitida por el XXII Congreso del PCUS, en 1961. Discurso El texto no se publicó en la Unión Soviética hasta 1988, 32 años después de pronunciado. O economicismo como cultura da época. Muito do sucesso teórico do marxismo se deve à tese de que o modo de produção, a economia, determina o modo como se vive e se organiza a vida social. Boa parte da hostilidade contra ele, também. Seus adversários sempre usaram essa tese para condenar as ideias de Marx, atribuindo a elas, entre outras coisas, uma crônica incapacidade de compreender diversas questões tidas como mais relevantes: a liberdade, a autonomia da política e da cultura, o valor da democracia.
Condena-se Marx, também, por seu amor pela revolução e por seu radicalismo, mas a principal frente de combate a ele sempre foi a da denúncia de seu determinismo. Uma rápida passagem pelo noticiário cotidiano, porém, revela o quanto há de falsidade e hipocrisia nessa denúncia. Tudo passou a ser economia e a ser lido como expressão da economia. Lutas e movimentos da sociedade civil são modulados pela dinâmica, pelas falhas gritantes e pelos malefícios da economia. Estamos enredados nas malhas do mercado. Revista Vila Nova. Atualizado em 23/01/2014 às 16:13. Um dos traços principais do marxismo difuso que predomina na mentalidade contemporânea é o economicismo. O economicismo parte da premissa de que os fatores econômicos são os fatores decisivos, os mais importantes e fundamentais para a vida individual e social. É a crença infundada no primado do econômico, na transformação deste fator na chave explicativa única de todos os acontecimentos da vida humana.
Desse modo, todas as demais atividades e valores que escapam ao império da lógica econômica são considerados como secundários, acessórios e até mesmo supérfluos. Na sociedade brasileira e na cultura ocidental, essa mentalidade se expressa de múltiplas e variadas maneiras. O domínio do fator econômico também se manifesta nos debates políticos eleitorais e nas plataformas e agendas programáticas dos diversos partidos. O debate político é na atualidade, sobretudo, uma discussão em torno de questões econômicas e administrativas. Sobre o autor.
Discurso Secreto. Origem: Wikipédia, a enciclopédia livre. O chamado Discurso Secreto ou Relatório Khrushchov, cujo nome oficial é Sobre o culto à personalidade e suas consequências, é uma famosa intervenção do político soviético Nikita Khrushchov durante o XX Congresso do Partido Comunista da União Soviética, em 25 de fevereiro de 1956.[1] No discurso, Khrushchov reafirma sua crença nos ideais comunistas, invocando as ideias de Lenin, ao mesmo tempo que critica o regime de Stalin, particularmente pelos brutais expurgos de militares de alto escalão e de quadros superiores do Partido - o chamado Grande Expurgo, entre 1934 e 1939 -, e pelo culto à personalidade de Stalin.[2] O discurso foi um marco na Era Khrushchov. Foi um sinal da intensa disputa pela liderança soviética, na qual Khrushchov procurava desacreditar os stalinistas, notadamente Lavrentiy Beria.
Significou, também, uma mudança da linha oficial do Partido Comunista da União Soviética e dos seus postulados baseados no chamado stalinismo. Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 or Hungarian Uprising of 1956[5] (Hungarian: 1956-os forradalom or felkelés) was a spontaneous nationwide revolt against the government of the Hungarian People's Republic and its Soviet-imposed policies, lasting from 23 October until 10 November 1956. Though leaderless when it first began, it was the first major threat to Soviet control since the USSR's forces drove out the Nazis at the end of World War II and invaded Central and Eastern Europe.
Despite the failure of the uprising, it was highly influential, and foreshadowed the downfall of the Soviet Union.[6] The revolt began as a student demonstration, which attracted thousands as they marched through central Budapest to the Parliament building, calling out on the streets using a van with loudspeakers via Radio Free Europe. A student delegation, entering the radio building to try to broadcast the students' demands, was detained.
The revolt spread quickly across Hungary and the government collapsed. New Left. Historical origins[edit] The origins of the New Left have been traced to several factors. Prominently, the confused response of the Communist Party of the USA and the Communist Party of Great Britain to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 led some Marxist intellectuals to develop a more democratic approach to politics, opposed to what they saw as the centralised and authoritarian politics of the pre-war leftist parties. The German-Jewish critical theorist Herbert Marcuse is referred to as the "Father of the New Left". He rejected the theory of class struggle and the Marxist concern with labor. The writings of sociologist C. Latin America[edit] Britain[edit] The Marxist historians E. Thompson was especially important in bringing the concept of a "New Left" to the United Kingdom in the Summer of 1959 with a New Reasoner lead essay, in which he described "...
In 1960, The New Reasoner merged with the Universities and Left Review to form the New Left Review. United States[edit] The U.S. Michael R. Negócios entre universidades públicas e empresas são alvo de investigação. MP: Fraude em contrato de R$ 17 milhões da UniRio por Lauro Neto O Ministério Público Federal no Rio de Janeiro (MPF-RJ) investiga diversas irregularidades apontadas pela Controladoria Geral da União num contrato de mais de R$ 17 milhões entre a Petrobras e a UniRio. Documentos a que O GLOBO teve acesso revelam que seis professores de dedicação exclusiva da universidade recebiam também como pesquisadores-bolsistas e sócios de empresas subcontratadas sem licitação, faturando quase R$ 10 milhões. Há um ano, o Tribunal de Contas da União publicou acórdão determinando que a UniRio informasse como ressarciria os danos ao Erário.
Em seu último despacho à frente do caso, o hoje procurador-chefe do MPF-RJ, Lauro Coelho Junior, destacou que “há elementos suficientes nos autos (...) a evidenciar a prática de atos de improbidade administrativa e ainda dos crimes previstos no art. 312 do Código Penal e art. 89 da Lei nº 8.666/93”. (Clique aqui para ler a íntegra do documento) por Felippe Anibal* As Fundações de Direito Privado - Notas para a análise de uma realidade heteronômica.
Revista nº 22 - março de 2001. Tom Hayden. Thomas Emmet Hayden, known as Tom Hayden (born December 11, 1939), is an American social and political activist, author, and politician, who is director of the Peace and Justice Resource Center in Culver City, California. Known best for his major role as an anti-war, civil rights, and radical intellectual counterculture activist, Hayden is the former husband of actress Jane Fonda and the father of their son, actor Troy Garity. Early life[edit] Radical activism[edit] Hayden drafted SDS's manifesto, the Port Huron Statement. The objective of the Port Huron Statement was the creation of a "radically new democratic political movement" in the United States that rejected hierarchy and bureaucracy. From 1964 to 1968, Hayden lived in Newark, New Jersey, where he worked with impoverished inner-city residents as part of the Newark Community Union Project.
He was also witness to the city's race riots of 1967 and wrote the book Rebellion in Newark: Official Violence and Ghetto Response (1967). Anti-establishment. Opposition to the conventional social, political, and economic principles of a society An anti-establishment view or belief is one which stands in opposition to the conventional social, political, and economic principles of a society.
The term was first used in the modern sense in 1958, by the British magazine New Statesman to refer to its political and social agenda.[1] Antiestablishmentarianism (or anti-establishmentarianism) is an expression for such a political philosophy. Anti-establishment in Iceland[edit] The Pirate Party of Iceland has a movement of anti-establishment.[2][3][4] Anti-establishment in Italy[edit] Anti-establishment figures in the United Kingdom[edit] In the UK anti-establishment figures and groups are seen as those who argue or act against the ruling class.
Anti-establishment in Canada[edit] The pop term "anti-establishment" in the United States[edit] The "Establishment" to these, and these anti-establishment activists was not simply the people of the older generation. The Establishment. The American Sociological Association states that the term is often used by those protesting a small group that dominates a larger organization. For example, in 1968 a group of academics set up the "Sociology Liberation Movement" to repudiate the leadership of the American Sociological Association, which they referred to as the "Establishment in American sociology".[1] In fact, any relatively small class or group of people having control can be referred to as The Establishment; and conversely, in the jargon of sociology, anyone who does not belong to The Establishment may be labelled an "outsider".[2][3] Britain[edit] The term is most often used in Britain, in which context it includes leading politicians, senior civil servants, senior barristers and judges, aristocrats, Oxbridge academics, senior clergy in the established Church of England, the most important financiers and industrialists, governors of the BBC, and the members of and top aides to the royal family.
Australia[edit] Students for a Democratic Society. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was a student activist movement in the United States that was one of the main representations of the New Left. The organization developed and expanded rapidly in the mid-1960s before dissolving at its last convention in 1969. SDS has been an important influence on student organizing in the decades since its collapse. Participatory democracy, direct action, radicalism, student power, shoestring budgets, and its organizational structure are all present in varying degrees in current American student activist groups. Though various organizations have been formed in subsequent years as proposed national networks for left-wing student organizing, none has approached the scale of SDS, and most have lasted a few years at best.
Origins[edit] The Port Huron Statement criticized the political system of the United States for failing to achieve international peace and critiqued Cold War foreign policy, the threat of nuclear war, and the arms race.