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Otpor

Otpor
Un article de Wikipédia, l'encyclopédie libre. Symbole du mouvement Serbe Otpor Le mouvement Otpor, en serbe cyrillique Отпор (« Résistance »), est une organisation politique, créée en 1998, avec le soutien de l'organisation américaine National Endowment for Democracy, organisatrice de nombreuses révoltes violentes ou non de par le monde, dans les pays opposés politiquement aux États-Unis[1] et généralement considérée comme l'un des acteurs majeurs de la chute du régime de Slobodan Milošević. Organisation[modifier | modifier le code] Alors que la classe politique serbe était fortement discréditée ou en exil[réf. nécessaire], le mouvement Otpor s'est principalement développé en dehors des structures de l'opposition traditionnelle, sous l'impulsion de jeunes étudiants en premier cycle universitaire et écoles supérieures, fréquemment membres du parti d'opposition[9]. Programme[modifier | modifier le code] Le premier objectif était bien entendu le renversement de Slobodan Milošević.

La Société ouverte et ses ennemis Un article de Wikipédia, l'encyclopédie libre. La Société ouverte et ses ennemis (The Open Society and Its Enemies) est un ouvrage en deux volumes écrit par Karl Popper au début de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Il y traite de la philosophie sociale, et développe notamment une critique de l'historicisme à travers trois auteurs : Platon, Hegel et Marx. N'ayant pas trouvé d'éditeur aux États-Unis, l'ouvrage a été publié pour la première fois en 1945 à Londres par Routledge. Présentation[modifier | modifier le code] Dans La Société ouverte et ses ennemis, Popper développe une critique de l'historicisme, dans le prolongement de Misère de l’historicisme, et défend la « société ouverte » et la démocratie. « L'objet de ce livre est d'aider à la défense de la liberté et de la démocratie. — Karl Popper, Préface à l'édition française (2 mai 1978) Dans le second tome, Hegel et Marx, il critique les deux auteurs plus contemporains que sont Hegel et Marx. Critiques[modifier | modifier le code]

Dominique Liot, celui par qui la lumière arrive chez les précaires A l'approche de l'hiver, les factures d'électricité et de gaz explosent, surtout dans les logements mal isolés habités par des pauvres. "On peut quand même pas laisser ces gens sans chauffage", lance Dominique Liot, figure emblématique de la gauche militante à Toulouse, qui travaille depuis près de 30 ans à ERDF. Avec ses collègues d'ERDF ou de GRDF rassemblés au sein des Robins des bois CGT de l'énergie, il mène des opérations commandos pour "remettre le jus", parfois au milieu de la nuit, à des familles de Roms, des squatteurs ou des foyers à bout de ressources. Dominique Liot lui-même ou d'autres techniciens, tous "des gaziers ou électriciens officiellement habilités", arrivent alors, encagoulés ou pas, avec le matérielnécessaire à la remise en service, mais, précise-t-il, toujours en dehors de leurs heures de travail. Jean-Marc Legagneux est admiratif de cet homme au physique passe-partout, avec un front dégarni et de fines lunettes. "C'est un syndicaliste qui dérange. Par

Soros Foundation 47th Munich Security Conference 2011: George Soros, Chairman of the Soros Fund Management, during the Discussion Soros foundations are autonomous institutions established in particular countries or regions, especially those emerging from behind the Iron Curtain,[2] to initiate and support open society activities. Such countries include the former Communist bloc in Central and Eastern Europe, parts of the former Soviet Union, South Africa, and Haiti.[2] The priorities and specific activities of each Soros foundation are determined by a local board of directors and staff in consultation with George Soros and OSI boards and advisers. One such program, for example, is the Library of Congress - Soros Foundation Visiting Fellows Program for librarians. See also[edit] Notes[edit] External links[edit] Official website

Flash info du samedi 5 janvier 2013 Aujourd’hui 5 janvier l’occupation militaire dure depuis 41 jours (pour une opération débutée il y a 83 jours). Nos camarades sont emprisonnés depuis 40 jours pour l’un et 19 jours pour l’autre. On peut envoyer des courriers aux personnes incarcérées et/ou au collectif anti rep ainsi que des sous à l’adresse suivante, le chèque libellé à cet ordre : Comité de soutien des inculpées, Le Gué, 44220 Coueron. pour suivre les infos de la marche de Nice à NDDL : pour les rejoindre, illes partent tous les jours à 8h de la mairie de la ville où illes ont dormi, voir leur blog Point d’info permanent sur le campement "Hors Contrôle" établi le long de la D81 entre le lieu dit Les Domaines (la Vache-Rit) et la Rolandière. Infos utiles pour venir ici : équipe médicale : 07 60 26 42 14 !! Accueil "hors contrôle" : 06 32 98 78 36 liste du matos à ramener (mise à jour le 02/01) Contact mail pour le FestiZad : festizad at riseup.net Contact Presse FestiZad : 06 43 28 23 90 Flash infos : Les rendez-vous du jour

George Soros Soros is a well-known supporter of progressive-liberal political causes.[11] Between 1979 and 2011, Soros gave away over $8 billion to human rights, public health, and education causes.[12] He played a significant role in the peaceful transition from communism to capitalism in Eastern Europe (1984–89)[8] and provided one of Europe's largest higher education endowments to Central European University in Budapest.[13] Soros is also the chairman of the Open Society Foundations. Early life[edit] The Jewish Council asked the little kids to hand out the deportation notices. Soros did not return to that job, but instead went into hiding the next day. Soros emigrated to England in 1947 and became an impoverished student at the London School of Economics.[22] While a student of the philosopher Karl Popper, Soros worked as a railway porter and as a waiter. Soros earned a BSc in philosophy in 1951 and a PhD in philosophy in 1954, both from the London School of Economics.[25] Business career[edit]

Pour Alain Badiou, la démocratie est réactionnaire | Le Yéti, voyageur à domicile Un court ouvrage en forme de règlement de compte : « Sarkozy : pire que prévu/Les autres : prévoir le pire » (éditions Lignes, 96 pages, 9,50 €). Victime : la démocratie, cet acte d’allégeance quasi religieuse au pouvoir en place, à l’ordre déjà établi, dont le vote est le cérémonial. « Elections, pièges à cons » ? Sans doute pas. Le confort illusoire de l’ordre ancien Les foules idolâtres du maréchal Pétain – à qui Badiou compara Sarkozy – ne furent pas véritablement piégées par le discours poussiéreux du « vainqueur de Verdun ». En 2007, les électeurs de Sarkozy – qui tenait un discours de même nature : les valeurs nationales, la restauration de l’ordre ancien protecteur, la stigmatisation de « l’étranger », des intellectuels, des nomades... – savaient parfaitement de quoi le personnage retournait, mais préféraient faire mine de l’ignorer pour les mêmes raisons. Mais la gauche parlementaire, alors ? « Une élévation de l’impuissance complice au statut d’Idée. »

Open Society Institute One of the aims of the OSF is the development of civil society organizations (e.g., charities and community groups) to encourage participation in democracy and society.[1] The name is inspired by Karl Popper's 1945 book The Open Society and Its Enemies.[2] History[edit] Initiatives[edit] Related initiatives include the Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA) and the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA). Activities by regions[edit] According to the 2009 OSF expenditures report,[12] Africa region (outside of South Africa) was the key area of funded activities: about $51,000,000 were spent on civil society support, human rights, education, justice, media, public health, transparency, and other activities there. Of the ten countries in which the Institute was most active in 2009, six are post-Soviet states, with another three situated in Eastern Europe. Criticism[edit] See also[edit] References[edit] Bibliography[edit] Further reading[edit] External links[edit]

Open society The open society is a concept originally suggested in 1932 by the French philosopher Henri Bergson,[1] and developed during the Second World War by Austrian-born British philosopher Karl Popper.[2] Popper saw the open society as standing on a historical continuum reaching from the organic, tribal or closed society, through the open society marked by a critical attitude to tradition, up to the abstract or depersonalised society lacking all face-to-face transactions.[3] History[edit] Popper saw the classical Greeks as initiating the long slow transition from tribalism towards the open society, and as facing for the first time the strain imposed by the less personal group relations entailed thereby.[4] Definition[edit] Popper defined the open society as one "in which individuals are confronted with personal decisions" as opposed to a "magical or tribal or collectivist society Critical knowledge[edit] Further characteristics[edit] Criticism[edit] See also[edit] References[edit] Further reading[edit]

Welcome - Ethical Politics From Ethical Politics Dictionary of Ethical Politics The Dictionary of Ethical Politics sets out to be a lexicon of new political thought centered on the relationship between ethics and politics. The dictionary is being developed in the Wikipedia model using contributors who have been specifically invited to participate. Who We Are The Dictionary of Ethical Politics was created through the partnership of Resurgence and openDemocracy. These progressive publications, dedicated to the evolution of politics, ecology, and social justice, have come together with the financial support of the Tedworth Trust to create, edit and publish this multimedia volume. Project Philosophy Radical progressive politics have historical and cultural roots that have underplayed both the importance of the environment and the role of personal transformation in social action. Liberal individualism, in JS Mill, for example, sees the rational organization of society around utility as the means to a better world.

Occupy Wall Street: lessons and opportunities The Occupy movement in the United States is both similar to and different from its Tea Party predecessor. The precise combination gives it political space to grow, says Cas Mudde. If 2010 was the year of the Tea Party, 2011 is becoming the year of the Occupy movement. What started as a small local project of fed-up grassroots (non-)activists - an "occupation" of New York's Wall Street - has now spread throughout the United States (and even into Canada). There are important similarities and significant differences between the two mass movements. A sketch of these suggests that the newer movement has opportunities to grow. The overlaps The first similarity is the two movements' self-generating, bottom-up origin. Second, the institutionalised ideological "brethren" have in each case reacted in a confused and at times even hostile way to the upstart. Fourth, neither the Tea Party nor Occupy Wall Street has a clear political agenda. The contrasts The opportunities

Peace can be planned. Just like health In 2002 the World Health Organisation made a bold statement in its ground breaking World Report on Violence and Health: “Violence can be prevented and its impact reduced, in the same way that public health efforts have prevented and reduced pregnancy-related complications, workplace injuries, infectious diseases, and illness resulting from contaminated food and water in many parts of the world. The factors that contribute to violent responses – whether they are factors of attitude and behaviour or related to larger social, economic, political and cultural conditions – can be changed. Violence can be prevented. This is not an article of faith, but a statement based on evidence. Examples of success can be found around the world, from small-scale individual and community efforts to national policy and legislative initiatives.” Evidence continues to grow to support this claim. Increasingly, the ‘factors that contribute to violent responses’ are being studied and understood.

Daniele Archibugi The image of the past The idea that freedom and democracy can be exported all over the world is an ancient dream. Athenian democrats, French revolutionaries, and Russian Bolsheviks, to mention only the better-known cases, were convinced that their own political system was good enough to be donated to all peoples. But not even the path to freedom is carpeted with rose-petals: enthusiasm is often mingled with fanaticism; idealism must come to terms with the harsh laws of Realpolitik (see Luciano Canfora, Esportare la liberta [Mondadori, 2007]). Daniele Archibugi is director of the Italian National Research Council ( CNR ), affiliated to the Institute on Population and Social Policy ( IRPPS ), and professor of innovation, governance and public policy at Birkbeck College, London. Also by Daniele Archibugi in openDemocracy : " What do to with the United Nations?" " Can democracy be exported?" At the end of the second world war, democracy was a gift made by the Americans to the Europeans.

Budapest Open Access Initiative A logo celebrating the tenth anniversary of the Budapest Open Access Initiative in 2012, featuring the Széchenyi Chain Bridge in Budapest. The Budapest Open Access Initiative (BOAI) is a public statement of principles relating to open access to the research literature. It arose from a conference convened in Budapest by the Open Society Institute on December 1–2, 2001 to promote open access – at the time also known as Free Online Scholarship. This small gathering of individuals is recognised as one of the major historical, and defining, events of the open access movement. Initiative[edit] The opening sentence of the Budapest Open Access Initiative encapsulates what the open access movement is all about, and what its potential is: An old tradition and a new technology have converged to make possible an unprecedented public good. Definition of open access[edit] Signatories[edit] On February 14, 2002, the BOAI was released in a version that could be signed by the public. Funding[edit]

Colour revolution Colour revolution is a term that was widely used by worldwide media[1] to describe various related movements that developed in several societies in the former Soviet Union and the Balkans during the early 2000s. The term has also been applied to a number of revolutions elsewhere, including in the Middle East. Some observers[who?] have called the events a revolutionary wave, the origins of which can be traced back to the 1986 People Power Revolution (also known as the "Yellow Revolution") in the Philippines. Participants in the colour revolutions have mostly used nonviolent resistance, also called civil resistance. Such methods as demonstrations, strikes and interventions have been intended protest against governments seen as corrupt and/or authoritarian, and to advocate democracy; and they have also created strong pressure for change. List of colour revolutions[edit] Influencing factors[edit] Anti-Communist revolutions[edit] Student movements[edit] Critical analysis[edit] Armenia[edit]

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