From Opposition to Puppet: Morocco’s Party of Justice and Development A protest repressed, a journalist beaten, an artist detained, a newspaper censored, and an activist tortured. Sixteen months after what was hailed as a “landmark” constitutional referendum, and exactly one year after a new government was elected, like a broken record, headlines from Morocco continue to repeat themselves. When the announcement for the 25 November 2011 parliamentary elections was made, the February 20th Movement and its supporters quickly agreed to boycott––a decision rooted in the prediction that the elections would bring about no real change. From Opposition to Puppet: Morocco’s Party of Justice and Development
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Morocco's second spring | Issandr El Amrani | Comment is free Morocco's second spring | Issandr El Amrani | Comment is free There are cautionary tales in the Arab uprisings, as Syria has shown: not every revolution can be as successful as Tunisia's, not every aftermath is rosy. And then there are also questions raised about those places where revolution did not take place. Was it averted because there is wise and popular government, or has some kind of social shock merely been postponed? Last year Morocco seemed for a while to be following the path of its eastern neighbours.
Morocco, the Gulf and the media Morocco, the Gulf and the media An interesting item at Angry Arab — Aljazeera and Morocco: "Yassine sent met this: "So al-Jazeera decided not to air the documentary on Morocco and the 20th of February Movement (nuqta sakhina), which they had been promoting for more than a week. Why not? Again? (In November the same thing happened (back then the al-Jazeera crew was forbidden to go to Tanger and the al-Hoceima area: two centers of the Moroccan uprising). The Moroccan king recently 'gave' the Qatari emir some 4 5.000 hectares (=450 km²) in the Guelmim area so that the Qatari emir could go hunt there.
A Year After: The February 20 Protest Movement in Morocco On the one-year anniversary of the February 20 protest movement in Morocco, (henceforth referred to as Feb. 20), the kingdom boasts relatively meager political progress. Despite the much-vaunted reforms and constitutional changes, Morocco has reinvigorated its state edifice, managed to outmaneuver an inexperienced Feb. 20 protest movement, and engaged in a crackdown on freedom of the press and speech. In the last couple of weeks, the regime has arrested three Moroccans for crimes against his majesty’s person and “defaming Morocco’s sacred values.” In a country where the monarch is inviolable, the use of cartoons depicting the king is considered an outrage to a symbol of the country. More importantly, a year after the initial mass protests, we need to assess the record of the movement in terms of appeal and success in Morocco. A Year After: The February 20 Protest Movement in Morocco
King Hassan of Morocco and the Queen
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Less than a block from the seventeenth-century walls that surround Rabat’s medina (old city) is the Association Tamaynut. Inside the three-room office one can attend meetings, listen to lectures and participate in passionate discussions. A young man, Ibrahim, is there every weekday from morning until night. One of Morocco’s many thousand unemployed college graduates, he spends his free time doing volunteer work that he finds gratifying. Creating Space for Independent Political Action in Morocco Creating Space for Independent Political Action in Morocco
The recent parliamentary elections in Morocco have led to the creation of the first ever elected Islamist government in Morocco’s history. After winning more than forty percent of the votes in the November 25th elections, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) led by Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane formed a coalition government with the socialist Parti du Progrès et du Socialisme (PPS), the nationalist Istiqlal party and the royalist Mouvement Populaire (MP). Benkirane’s first task as Prime Minister was to form the government by appointing ministers. After much speculation and many rumors in the press and social media, Benkirane finally introduced his cabinet on January 3, 2012 at the royal palace in Rabat where he was summoned by King Mohammed VI. The newly formed government is surprising in some respects but predictable in others. Having a Conversation on Other Terms: Gender and the Politics of Representation in the New Moroccan Government Having a Conversation on Other Terms: Gender and the Politics of Representation in the New Moroccan Government
Morocco's coming elections pose a litmus test After Tunisia's historic election, it is now Morocco's turn to gear up for early polls and try to replicate that dramatic achievement in democracy. Such a feat will naturally be hard to pull off in Morocco where the population is not as motivated to vote as it was in Tunisia. Pluralities are still skeptical that the election will bring change they can believe in. Morocco's coming elections pose a litmus test
Morocco's Next Government: New Actors, Same Script Morocco's Next Government: New Actors, Same Script Several weeks have passed since Morocco’s most recent parliamentary elections. These yielded a victory for the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (PJD), whose leader, Abdelilah Benkirane, has been appointed as prime minister (or, as the recent constitution dictates, “Chief of Government”). Benkirane’s first task is to form a new government in conjunction with the Istiqlal Party, the Popular Movement, and the Party of Progress and Socialism, who together comprise a ruling coalition.
La détention de Ali Anouzla - accusé de diverses infractions à la législation anti-terroriste - et le sort des deux sites d’information Lakome.com et lakome.fr, le dernier étant géré par Aboubakr Jamaï, ont déclenché un torrent de commentaires, rumeurs, altercations, procès d’intentions, insultes, reproches et postures moralisatrices. Ceux que cette aspect des choses intéresse ne trouveront malheureusement pas leur bonheur ici. Indépendamment des péripéties que je viens de citer, j’estime en effet que quelqu’un qui est en liberté – même relative dans le cas d’un citoyensujet marocain – n’a aucun droit à donner des leçons de morale à un détenu politique qui cherche à quitter la détention, dans les conditions de détention que l’on connaît au Maroc. Il serait donc indécent de ma part de commenter les choix d’Ali Anouzla dans le cadre d’une défense s’inscrivant dans un procès politique où les considérations juridiques sont, au Maroc, secondaires.

Ibn Kafka's obiter dicta – divagations d'un juriste marocain en liberté surveillée

Ibn Kafka's obiter dicta – divagations d'un juriste marocain en liberté surveillée