Sex for Sale in Beirut - By Sulome Anderson. BEIRUT — Jad sits on a couch in the lobby of a hotel in Maameltein, Lebanon. The air is thick with stale cigarette smoke, and the mirror-lined walls are smeared and cracked. A gold crucifix gleams on his chest. There's a large notebook on the chair beside him. Every so often, an attractive, young, Slavic-looking woman walks over, and he opens the notebook so she can sign her name. "I have to make sure they sign out before leaving the hotel," says Jad, whose name has been changed. Jad owns a "super nightclub," one of approximately 130 in Lebanon, most of which are located in the town of Maameltein -- just 20 minutes away from the glitzy clubs and high-end boutiques of Beirut. Lebanese law stipulates that these women can enter the country only after signing an employment contract, which has to be approved by the Directorate of General Security.
There is no precise data on the super nightclub industry's revenues, but Jad estimates that he makes a maximum profit of $30,000 a month. The Case of the Superman Underwear - By Karl Sharro. Come the Arab awakening, most youth in Lebanon would have expected to be at the heart of the struggles for freedom and democracy in the Middle East. After all, Lebanon has long been known for many of the qualities that inspired revolts elsewhere: a hide-bound political system, corrupt elites, and a young, plugged-in population.
Instead, since the events collectively referred to as the "Arab Spring" began, Lebanon has found itself at the very margins of this revolutionary wave. To make matters worse, the country seems to be sliding into a pattern of petty authoritarianism -- highlighted by erratic acts of censorship and attacks on the freedom of expression -- that hardly befits a nation that likes to think of itself as the advance guard of political freedom in the Arab world. Rather than embracing the struggle for democracy and freedom, the Lebanese authorities are grappling with another matter entirely: the Case of the Superman Underwear. But first, the facts of this bizarre case. Flickr. Hezbollah: Party of Fraud.
In June, Lebanon’s new prime minister, Najib Mikati, announced the formation of a government dominated by members and allies of the Shiite terrorist organization Hezbollah. The creation of the new government has made Hezbollah the most dominant political force in Lebanon just six years after the “Cedar Revolution,” which placed the group on the defensive and forced its Syrian patrons to leave the country. With control of the Lebanese government, a vast social-service network, an army of soldiers and operatives, and an arsenal of more than 40,000 rockets, Hezbollah has arguably never been more powerful. Hezbollah would not have achieved its current stature without the assistance of its creator and chief sponsor, Iran. Since founding Hezbollah in 1982, Iran has armed, funded, and trained the organization, transforming it into a potent terrorist and fighting force.
Yet Hezbollah has not relied entirely on Iran to finance its operations. To continue reading, please log in. Register. "Can Hezbollah Weather the Arab Spring?" by Paul Salem. Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space BEIRUT –Three years ago, regional opinion polls showed that the Middle East’s most popular leaders were Hezbollah leader Sayed Hassan Nasrallah, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, and Iran’s President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. People at the time appreciated that they were standing up to Israel in Lebanon and Gaza, and pushing back against aggressive American policies in the region. With the Arab Spring, regional public opinion has shifted toward prioritizing civil rights and democratic reform over foreign policy.
Today, Assad is reviled, Ahmadinejad’s government is accused of violently suppressing its own pro-democracy protestors, and both Hezbollah and Iran are condemned for continuing to back Assad as he slaughters his own population. As a result, Hezbollah is no longer the widely popular movement that it once was across the Arab and Muslim worlds, but it remains a highly effective and heavily armed force. Racism and Segregation at Lebanese Beaches (Video)
Recently, the Ministry of Tourism in Lebanon issued a memorandum banning discrimination in the country's private pools and beaches. Such a ban came after many years of the barring of entry or other forms of discrimination against migrant domestic laborers and those assumed to be migrant domestic laborers. In an effort to monitor and encourage the implementation of this recent official ban on discrimination, the Lebanese group Anti-Racism Movement has produced the following two videos highlighting the continued and widespread practice of discrimination at private beaches in Lebanon. Flat Out Segregation at Lebanese Beaches (Part 1) In this video, a hidden camera documents a discriminatory act the Saint-George Yacht Club and Marina (Beirut). Following the incident, the Ministry of Tourism Police were called and activists were assured that the Saint-George would be fined.
The business also issued an apology promising to ensure that that such discrimination would not take place again. Blaming Others: A History of Violence in Lebanon. Violence has defined the seven years since the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. But there are ruptures in the now familiar landscape of burning tires; Israel’s abduction of Lebanese citizens, its invasion of the country’s airspace, mounting casualties from Israeli land mine and cluster bombs; the abuse and killing of migrant workers, and the sound of lonely machine gun fire somewhere in the night. This is a list of the most discernible violence in Lebanon this past decade: In 2006 a war with Israel left thousands of civilians dead and almost a million others displaced. In 2007 the Lebanese army, with the vocal support of many Lebanese citizens, made debris out of a Palestinian refugee camp.
The army’s aim was to “root out” Salafi Islamists that had infiltrated the camp which housed four generations of Palestinian refugees. In 2008 a “mini civil war” broke out between the March 14 dominated Lebanese state and March 8 forces. Lebanon, the Sectarianization of Politics, and Genderalizing the Arab Uprisings: Interview with Maya Mikdashi. The following interview with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Maya Mikdashi was conducted by Eugenio Dacrema for the Istituto per gli studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI), on whose website it was originally published on 21 June 2012. In the interview, Maya discusses developments in Lebanon as they related to the uprising in Syria. She also discusses Lebanese politics more generally as well the workings of gender politics in the Middle East. Eugenio Dacrema (ED): A Few days ago a new session of the National Dialogue council started in Beirut, hosted by the president Souliman.
The list of issue which will be discussed is officially very long, but obviously the main issues are related to the recent events occurred especially in Tripoli, but also in Beirut. Maya Mikdashi (MM): I think we are seeing several things happening. In the press we often read about Lebanese Sunni allied with the Syrian Sunnis against the Asad regime, and Shi‘a Lebanese allied to ‘Alawis in Syria who are allied to Asad regime.
Lebanon's Little Syria - By Emile Hokayem. Most Lebanese certainly wished otherwise, but it was only a matter of time before the bloodshed that has overwhelmed Syria for the past 15 months arrived at their doorstep. The conflict has now come to the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli, which possesses a social fabric and history that make it fertile ground for the long-awaited proxy war between enemies and allies of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime. The latest conflagration was triggered by the May 12 arrest of previously unknown Sunni Islamist activist Shadi al-Mawlawi and five others by Lebanon's General Security Directorate (GSD).
Within hours of Mawlawi's arrest, Sunni protesters took to the streets, blocked the highway, and burned tires to demand his immediate release -- a call joined by the city's politicians and clerics. But there's more to this conflict than meets the eye. The arresting party is, to say the least, controversial. Lebanon's own pathologies have been exacerbated by the bloody crisis next door.
Lebanon: the trouble with Tripoli. A more important root to the current violence is the poverty blighting these communities. It is no secret that Tripoli is neglected in terms of investment, education, public services and employment. Last week clashes erupted across Tripoli, North Lebanon, killing nine and wounding over 50 more. At the time of writing the fighting has abated, with the army presiding over a fragile peace, but some fear these hostilities are a sign of Lebanon’s infection by the violence in neighbouring Syria and consequent descent into conflict.
When I went through Tripoli as the initial protest was just starting up, Sunni Islamists were beginning a sit-in on Tripoli’s al Nour square, blocking the main road through the city. They were demonstrating for the release of Shadi al-Mawlawi, an activist who had purportedly been lured by security services under false pretences and arrested for association with a terrorist group.
Military mobilisation near Jabal Mohsen. Syria's War Comes to Beirut- By Mitch Prothero. BEIRUT — The streets of Beirut's working-class Sunni neighborhoods started filling up with all the signs of trouble by about 9 p.m. on Sunday night. Young men on scooters clustered together, barricading their neighborhoods with burning tires and overturned dumpsters. But even cynical observers of Lebanon's descent into chaos couldn't predict how bad it would get. The youths' fury stemmed from a killing earlier in the day of two prominent Sunni religious figures from north Lebanon, who died in a hail of bullets at an army checkpoint. But how and why the two men -- strong supporters of the Syrian rebellion just over the border -- were killed quickly became moot in the eyes of the frustrated young men of Beirut. The Army, long a symbol of national unity in a country torn apart by religion, now appears to have become their enemy. Tensions between Lebanon's political movements, which are divided between supporters and enemies of the Syrian regime, are nothing new.
"The government kills us. Is Direct Syrian Intervention In Lebanon Inevitable? Syrian and Lebanese protesters chant slogans against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad during a protest organized by a Sunni Muslim Salafist group in solidarity with Syria's anti-government protesters in north Lebanon April 1, 2012. (photo by REUTERS/Roula Naeimeh) Author: Yezid Sayigh Posted May 30, 2012 The clashes that left several people dead and others wounded in Lebanon over the past few weeks have, for the moment, been brought under control; but the risks of the Syrian crisis spilling across the Lebanese border are set to grow, not diminish. The emergence of a de facto sanctuary in northern Lebanon for the Free Syrian Army poses a particular challenge for the government of Prime Minister Najib Mikati. Instructing the Lebanese army to seal off the border would be bitterly divisive domestically, but failure to act decisively could lead, sooner or later, to direct Syrian intervention.
The signs are there. The reactions of Syria’s other neighbors would be no less complex. Forgotten Guests of Lebanon. The Out of Towner According to the last UNHCR report on June 28th, there are almost 30,000 Syrian refugees in Lebanon, but only 24,000 are registered as such and receive assistance. Syrian refugee women hide their faces in Lebanese village Wadi Khaled According to the last UNHCR report on June 28th, there are almost 30,000 Syrian refugees in Lebanon, but only 24,000 are registered as such and receive assistance. The Syrian refugees and some Lebanese humanitarian organizations supporting them claim 10,000 of them are concentrated in Wadi Khaled, a narrow North-Eastern valley slipping into the ravaged Syrian province of Homs. Wadi Khaled is populated by poor peasants, who were severely hit by the Syrian uprising, as they used to rely on trade with Syrian neighboring villages.
Power supplies are dramatically limited to two hours per day, thus curtailing also the availability of drinkable water pulled from electric wells. Andrea Glioti More Posts. Iran Pledges Aid to Lebanon In Recent Diplomatic Visit. Iran's First Vice President Mohammad Reza Rahimi makes a "V" sign as he arrives at the Iranian garden in Maroun al-Ras village near the Israeli border in southern Lebanon May 3, 2012. (photo by REUTERS/Ali Hashisho) Author: As-Safir (Lebanon) Posted September 12, 2013 Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati’s government has officially signed an industrial agreement between Lebanon and Iran, bringing the total number of agreements to 27. Some of these date back to 1996, with the most recent having been signed during former Prime Minister Saad Hariri’s visit to Iran. Summary⎙ Print In his latest visit to Lebanon, First Vice President of Iran Mohammed Rahimi pledged financial support for the Lebanese state. Author Ghadeb Al-Mokhtar Posted September 12, 2013 Translator(s)Sami-Joe Abboud Mikati held talks May 4 [2012] with First Vice-President of Iran Mohammad Reza Rahimi during a Higher Iranian-Lebanese Committee meeting in the Grand Serail (the Government Palace) in Beirut.