The Spoils of Oil. Oil’s Divisive Influence: The Case of Iraq The future economic security of Iraq rests upon the management of its natural resources, but an acrimonious dispute between the autonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan and the central government in Baghdad threatens to destabilize more than just Iraq’s economy. An Iraqi petroleum worker walks past a gas burn off flame in the Anzalla oil fields in the Ninewa Province of Northern Iraq It has long been speculated that oil can be a driver for civil conflict, and one needs to look no further for evidence than the sectarian power politics now playing out in Iraq. The oil-fuels-conflict hypothesis is well-documented in academic studies on war and conflict: In one such recent analysis, Michael Ross offers a comprehensive assessment of the causal links between civil conflict and oil in cases involving Middle East countries. Iraq’s murky constitutional clauses concerning oil development remain a major challenge to the nation’s unity.
More Posts. Decoding Iraq's Sectarian Rivalries. By many accounts, Iraq appears to again be in the throes of sectarian conflict. Last month, the country’s judiciary issued an arrest warrant for its Sunni vice president, Tariq al-Hashemi, for his alleged involvement in terrorism. At the same time, Nouri al-Maliki, the Shiite Prime Minister, sought to remove another high-profile Sunni official from office, Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlak, who had accused Maliki of being a dictator.
Critics accuse the prime minister of deliberately targeting his Sunni political opponents to consolidate his power. But Iraq is not suffering traditional sectarian strife, whereby political disagreements among the elite lead to bloodshed on the streets. Rather, it is afflicted by what could be called intra-sectarian conflict, as rivals within both the country’s Shiite- and Sunni-dominated parties reposition themselves amid the political fray.
To continue reading, please log in. Don't have an account? Register Register for free to continue reading. The Iraqi Revolution We’ll Never Know - By Michael Wahid Hanna. In a tumultuous year that witnessed the fall of Arab tyrants and the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq, proponents of the 2003 invasion, including former Vice President Dick Cheney and conservative academic Fouad Ajami, have sought to portray the decision to topple Saddam Hussein's regime as the hidden driver of the Arab Spring. But rather than revisit history, why not -- on this one-year anniversary of Tunisian strongman Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's downfall -- try our hand at alternate history: If the United States had never invaded Iraq, would Saddam's Baathist regime still be standing in today's Middle East?
This question, of course, is a bedeviling one. It is difficult to imagine the region absent U.S. military intervention in Iraq. The war itself fueled regional dysfunction -- particularly in reaffirming and expanding pernicious notions of sectarian identity. Absent U.S. intervention, it is almost certain that Saddam would have maintained his repressive grip on the country. Not Too Late for Active Role in Iraq. If you are to read only one article on where Iraq stands today, I heartily recommend this Foreign Affairs essay, “The Iraq We Left Behind: Welcome to the World’s Next Failed State,” by Ned Parker, a former Los Angeles Times correspondent in Baghdad who is now spending a year at the Council on Foreign Relations (where I am a senior fellow). Parker accurately sums up the country as follows: Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki presides over a system rife with corruption and brutality, in which political leaders use security forces and militias to repress enemies and intimidate the general population.
The law exists as a weapon to be wielded against rivals and to hide the misdeeds of allies. How did we get to this bleak point? Parker is right to point the finger at the U.S. for failing “to capitalize on the gains of the U.S. troop surge.” But even now it is not too late for the U.S. to take a more active role in Iraq. Rruption in Iraq: 'Your son is being tortured. He will die if you don't pay' | World news. The walls of Um Hussein's living room in Baghdad are hung with the portraits of her missing sons. There are four of them, and each picture frame is decorated with plastic roses and green ribbons as an improvised wreath for the dead. Um Hussein had six children. Her eldest son was killed by Sunni insurgents in 2005, when they took control of the neighbourhood. Three of her remaining sons were kidnapped by a Shia militia group when they left the neighbourhood to find work. They were never seen again.
She now lives with the rest of her family – a daughter, her last son, Yassir, and half a dozen orphaned grandchildren – in a tiny two-room apartment where the stink of sewage and cooking oil seeps through a thin curtain that separates the kitchen from the living room. Um Hussein looks to be in her 60s and has one milky white eye. Yassir was detained in 2007. "We waited until they brought him," she said. "I have lost four. "We had to send [the security men] phone cards so they could call us. Iraq’s Politics, Iraq’s Problem - Christopher R. Hill.
Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space DENVER – The narrative of contemporary Iraq is becoming etched in stone: United States troops are leaving, and the country is falling apart. Iraq, we are told, is once again on the brink of dictatorship, this time under the Shia politician Nuri al-Maliki, who has been prime minister since 2006. The notion that Iraq’s ongoing political problems were caused by America’s departure, or that they could be improved by its return, is something that only a solipsistic American could believe.
Iraq’s political problems are of Iraq’s making, and need to be resolved by Iraqis. “Urban bias” is a term often used to explain the phenomenon by which city dwellers receive a disproportionate share of a society’s resources and benefits. In Iraq, spending time in Baghdad reveals that Sunni and Shia Iraqis have learned to live together, that intermarriage is common, and that the issues that concern people are more secular than sectarian. A Blessing in Disguise | The Majalla. Tareq Al-Hashemi: “My Case is Extremely Political” Only a few days ago in Iraq, government forces detained more than a dozen members of Vice President Tareq Al-Hashemi’s bodyguard, and the Ministry of Interior made further accusations that Hashemi’s employees were “practicing assassinations.” The accused politician spoke with The Majalla.
Vice President of Iraq, Tareq Al-Hashemi The Vice President of Iraq, Tareq Al-Hashemi, has been the focus of a political storm in Iraq for more than a month. Only a few days ago government forces detained more than a dozen members of Hashemi’s bodyguard, and the Ministry of Interior made further accusations that Hashemi’s employees were “practicing assassinations.” The Vice President has continued to deny what he considers to be politically motivated attacks based on fabrications and unconvincing propaganda. The Majalla: Your assets have been seized and the Iraqi Judiciary is going ahead with the procedures in regards to persecutions against you. On Syria. Iraq: Under Worse Management. Seif Abdel Sadeh’s eyes lolled as his brother tipped a cup of orange juice to his swollen lips. As he lifted his arm to push his brother’s hand away, he grimaced, agitating the charred skin on his face, causing still more pain. The day before, Seif, 18, was walking to his Sadr City high school when a bomb strapped to a motorcycle exploded.
It shattered his left leg and sent so much shrapnel into his right leg that it had to be removed. The bomb that hit Seif that morning, and another that went off minutes later, killed a dozen Iraqis, mostly day laborers waiting to pick up work at a busy intersection on the road that connects Sadr City, a suburb of Baghdad, to the downtown expressway. Seif’s family huddled around his hospital bed. By some statistical measures, Iraq today is safer and more stable than it has been in nearly a decade. Iraq, however, is far from stable. Officially, Iraq is under new management and open for business. Such jobs often involve deadly risks.
Top Iraqi Leaders Meet Again To Discuss Confidence in Maliki. Iraq's Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki greets the crowd during the celebrations for the 91st anniversary of the Iraqi Army at Baghdad's fortified Green Zone January 6, 2012. (photo by REUTERS/Saad Shalash) Author: Azzaman (Iraq) Posted May 28, 2012 The meeting held by the National Iraqi Alliance proved unsuccessful at finding a replacement for Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, or at responding to the demands as stated in the letters that were issued by previous conferences in Erbil and Najaf. This has forced the leaders of the Erbil Conference to meet within 48 hours to find a conclusive solution to the crisis. This time, they will be joined by the head of the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq, Ammar al-Hakim. Summary⎙ Print Another meeting held by the National Iraqi Alliance calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki was a failure, write Zeina Sami and Saadoun al-Jabiri. Author Zeina Sami, Saadoun al-Jabiri Posted May 28, 2012 Translator(s)Naria Tanoukhi.
Strong Man - Yochi J. Dreazen. From National Journal: PICTURES: Debt in a De-Leveraged America Obama's Urban Strategy Tested in Chicago Bachmann Coy About Fundraising House Passes Controversial Abortion Bill Blackberry Still No. 1 After eight years of war, nearly 4,500 U.S. military dead, and more than $2 trillion spent, Americans rightly wonder what they will be leaving behind in Iraq. Yet politically, the arrow points sharply in the other direction. With that power, Maliki is cracking down on rival politicians. In another case, the well-regarded head of Iraq’s independent Public Integrity Commission resigned last month when Maliki pushed him to open corruption probes against two of the premier’s top rivals, according to one of the judge’s aides.
Maliki declined to be interviewed, but his allies deny that he is expanding his control of the country. But the evidence is not promising. “The way he is going will lead the country back to dictatorship.” Instead of backing down, Maliki asked the United States for help. Maj. A Lesson in Undemocratic Institution Building | The Majalla. As the withdrawal of American troops draws nearer, International Crisis Group draws attention to the Iraqi government’s immediate and structural problems of corruption. The challenges to the Iraqi government’s legitimacy may ultimately harm a stability, which has mercifully developed since 2008.
Failing Oversight: Iraq’s Unchecked Government International Crisis Group Middle East Report N°113, 26 September 2011 Since 2008, the Iraqi state has appeared strengthened by the relatively strong decline in violence. During the six years of violence after the 2003 US invasion, an ever-stronger culture of impunity emerged among senior officials, while investigators, auditors and law enforcers were paralyzed. Thus continues the story of nonfunctioning institutions in the Iraqi oversight framework. The effects of corruption saturate Iraqi society. Spontaneous demonstrations broke out in February of 2011 in Suleimaniya, the Kurdistan region’s second-largest city. The Majalla: The Leading Arab Magazine. Keeping the Faith | The Majalla. Canon Andrew White discusses his unique role as leader of a Baghdad parish Canon Andrew White serves as Vicar to St George's Parish in the center of Baghdad.
A significant part of his work is devoted to multi-faith dialogue and healing sectarian rifts in a complex environment. Despite his undoubted good work and successes, the so-called Bishop of Baghdad is no stranger to controversy. Canon Andrew White Canon Andrew White, vicar of St George’s church, is not your average pastor. “I think history will judge the original decision to go into Iraq,” Said Barack Obama recently. “Whenever my dad goes out, my mum, my brother and me, we never know if he is going to come home or whether he will get killed. People have said that the Arab Spring may be a Christian Winter for the indigenous Christians in much of the Middle EastWhite, who lives and works in the heart of this issue, explains “There are still many, many bombs. “This suggests that those doing the bombing are more organized. Amy Assad. Crude Awakening - By Ben Van Heuvelen. On Dec. 17, two days after the U.S. military cased its colors and formally ended its mission in Iraq, the brain trust of the Iraqi oil sector gathered for a symposium at Baghdad's Alwiyah Club, a fortified concrete complex of meeting rooms and outdoor gardens.
They were officially meeting to discuss "Challenges Facing the Development of the Extractive Industry. " The issues they grappled with held the prospect to transform the global energy marketplace and determine the course of Iraqi democracy. A few top government officials sat on a dais while members of the audience -- about 150 parliamentarians, technocrats, and academics -- took turns at a podium, giving short speeches and asking questions of the panelists. Speakers often had to yell to be heard over the objections of audience members. A bit of shouting was to be expected: This was the first time in years that Iraqis were gathering without a foreign military occupation to outline their economic future.
On the Ground in Basra: An Interview with Hashmeya Muhsin al-Saadawi. Iraqi unions demonstrated yesterday on May Day 2012 at a difficult historical moment. Still operating without a labor law that sanctions their organizing, and under the consolidation of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s growing police/military powers, their movement faces an array of antagonistic forces. In this wide-ranging discussion with Ali Issa, Basra-based Hashmeya Muhsin al–Saadawi, president of the Electrical Utility Workers Union in Iraq, and the first woman vice-president of the General Federation of Iraqi Workers in Basra, discusses Iraqi security after the US withdrawal, the legacy of the US occupation, the state of union organizing and electricity, and finally the Iraqi protest movement - one of the least covered of the Arab uprisings. Iraqi security and military forces are still facing problems including not being oriented properly - which goes back to a few causes, among them that some Iraqi political forces did not want a US withdrawal.
Plundering the Past: Scholarly Treasures. The Struggle to Succeed Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani. Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani is rarely seen. The most revered spiritual leader for the world's 170 million Shiite Muslims, he hardly ever speaks in public. Some 90 miles south of Baghdad, in Najaf, the seat of Shiite religious power, people say that in the last few years the 82-year-old Sistani has grown frail and relies increasingly on one of his sons to carry out his duties. "He's a weak old man; soon he might have to go to London for more treatment," a local student of religious politics says.
(Like most who were interviewed for this report, the student wished to remain anonymous.) As Sistani ages, a struggle to succeed him has begun, putting the spiritual leadership of one of the world's foremost faiths in play. Shia doctrine requires that an incumbent die before jockeying can begin in a succession process that is as opaque as it is informal. Without so much as setting foot in Najaf, Shahroudi is rolling out a sophisticated and expensive campaign -- reputedly bankrolled by Tehran. Maliki Brings the Arab League to Town. Shock-and-Awe Nation Building: Iraq's Neo-Liberal Reconstruction. Empty chairs and empty words in Baghdad? Iraq war: Mission failed - Iraq war.
Who Won the Iraq War? Nearing the End of the Iraq War - Alan Taylor - In Focus. The Problem With Obama's Decision to Leave Iraq. Uncontained: Obama’s Confused Iran Policy. Iraq war ends: Did the U.S. win? Kidnapped | Online Only. In a Baghdad E.R., Women's Psychological Wounds Go Untreated. Are the MEK’s U.S. friends its worst enemies? Top 10 Lessons of the Iraq War - By Stephen M. Walt. Our Man in Baghdad - By James Traub. What Obama should say when Kurdistan's President Masoud Barzani visits Washington. Iraqi Kurds Set Security Council; Lawmakers Denounce Arms Race. Kurdistan’s man in Washington prepares for new role back home.