How Does China’s 12th Five-Year Plan Address Energy and the Environment? The Promise and Pitfalls of China’s ‘Peaceful Rise’ Introduction Chinese President Hu Jintao begins a U.S. visit on April 18 at a time of booming economic growth for his country and peaceful relations with nearly all of its neighbors. Experts say China has combined regional diplomacy with economic agreements to great effect, fruits of a policy known as "peaceful rise.
" The policy asserts that China can thrive economically in a peaceful environment and also serve as a catalyst for global peace. In practice, the policy has involved settling a number of border disputes, strengthening ties with regional organizations, and expanding trade relationships through Asia. Despite the success of the "peaceful rise" policy, China's relations remain chilly with two important neighbors: Japan and Taiwan. What is China’s “peaceful rise” policy? How prominent is this idea among China’s leaders? It is widespread among the leadership, experts say. How does it affect China’s foreign policy? What are the implications for China’s domestic policy? [Charm Offensive. China's Search for a Grand Strategy. Any country's grand strategy must answer at least three questions: What are the nation's core interests?
What external forces threaten them? And what can the national leadership do to safeguard them? Whether China has any such strategy today is open to debate. On the one hand, over the last three decades or so, its foreign and defense policies have been remarkably consistent and reasonably well coordinated with the country's domestic priorities. On the other hand, the Chinese government has yet to disclose any document that comprehensively expounds the country's strategic goals and the ways to achieve them. For both policy analysts in China and China watchers abroad, China's grand strategy is a field still to be plowed.
In recent years, China's power and influence relative to those of other great states have outgrown the expectations of even its own leaders. Stay informed. In-depth analysis delivered weekly. Thank you for signing up.Stay tuned for the latest from Foreign Affairs. WEEKLY: The Limits of China’s Charm Offensive | Chloregy. China’s repression undoes its charm offensive | RFD News | Rallying For Democracy. The Greater San Antonio Chinese Chamber of Commerce - Paris mounts diplomatic charm offensive to mollify China. China’s Soft Power — Review of Charm Offensive. China's Charm Offensive in Southeast Asia. In November 2000, Jiang Zemin made his first visit to Cambodia. Arriving at the airport in Phnom Penh, Cambodia’s capital, the owlish and normally stiff Chinese leader offered a brief greeting to his Cambodian hosts. He was whisked into a motorcade that rumbled through the streets, avoiding the cavernous ruts that dotted Sihanouk Boulevard.
Most mornings, activity in Phnom Penh all but stops when the morning heat begins to rise. But on that day, the city resembled a festive papal visit to a devoutly Catholic nation. Nearly a hundred thousand Cambodian children lined the streets, many in threadbare school uniforms and waving tiny Cambodian and Chinese flags or small photographs of Jiang’s face. Jiang’s route did not take him past one of the city’s major attractions. During the Khmer Rouge’s murderous four-year reign, during which they killed as many as 2 million Cambodians, China served as the regime’s major foreign patron. Jiang was right. Cambodia is hardly unique. Wang was right. China’s “Charm Offensive” Loses Momentum in Southeast Asia [Part I]
Although the fundamentals of the Southeast Asia-China partnership remain largely unchanged, over the past year or so there has been a discernable change in tone as both sides confront longstanding as well as new problem areas in their relationship. As the nations of Southeast Asia look toward their giant neighbor to the north, the level of concern regarding the impact of China’s rising regional profile has increased markedly. As a result, Southeast Asian countries have demonstrated a greater willingness to articulate their concerns on the diplomatic front on a range of political, economic and strategic issues, putting China on the defensive and prompting its foreign ministry to take action to deflect criticism. Additionally, some Southeast Asian nations are starting to beef up their armed forces to hedge growing Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. CAFTA Arouses Concern in Indonesia Further Tensions in the South China Sea Notes 1.
Responding to China s Charm Offensive. In a short period of time, Beijing has proven that it can shift its foreign policy quickly and woo the world, often focusing on countries America has alienated. China has drastically changed its image in many parts of the world from dangerous to benign. It may already be the preeminent power in parts of Asia, and it could develop China-centered spheres of influence in other parts of the globe, like Central Asia or Africa. Even longtime American allies like Australia have moved closer to Beijing. China also, however, may not be able to build its soft power indefinitely. The Mekong River offers an obvious example. China could further alienate other nations if it seems to be using multilateral institutions as a cover, without jettisoning Beijing’s own more aggressive, even military aims.
China’s trade relations, too, ultimately could limit its soft power. Latin America faces the greatest danger of mercantilism, but other regions could face a mercantilist trap. Charm offensive. China’s repression undoes its charm offensive. I was asked to lecture at Beijing University on soft power, the ability to use attraction and persuasion to get what you want without force or payment.
This was before the series of revolutions roiling the Middle East, in whose aftermath China is clamping down on the Internet and jailing human rights lawyers, once again torpedoing its soft-power campaign. The auditorium that day was packed, and I had been told that more than a thousand articles have been published in China on this topic.
That may have something to do with the fact that in 2007, President Hu Jintao told the 17th Congress of the Communist Party that China needed to increase its soft power. Over the past decade, China’s economic and military might have grown impressively. But that has frightened its neighbors into looking for allies to balance rising Chinese hard power. The key is that if a country can also increase its power of attraction, its neighbors feel less need to balance its power. Joseph S. The Limits of China’s Charm Offensive by Jonathan Holslag. Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space BRUSSELS – To many people in the West, China seems to have gone from a country that “keeps a cool head and maintains a low profile,” in Deng Xiaoping’s formulation, to one that loves a good international bust-up.
Putting an Australian mining executive behind bars for ten years, squeezing out Google, keeping the European Union at bay for an important dialogue, and letting a mid-level official wag his finger at US President Barack Obama at the Copenhagen Climate summit is not, after all, the best way to convince partners of your constructive intentions. Nor is it reassuring to recall that China, up to now, has been stubbornly watering down sanctions on Iran, investing in major offensive military systems, and pillorying Western leaders for irresponsible financial policies and protectionism. In recognition of this, China has stepped up its efforts to mend fences. At a lower level, too, China has unleashed an impressive charm offensive. Xinhua News Agency. Xinhua head office The Xinhua News Agency (/ˌʃɪnˈhwɑː/,[1] /ˌʃɪnˈwɑː/[1] or /ˈʃiːnhwɑː/[2]) is the state press agency of the People's Republic of China.
Xinhua is a ministry-level department subordinate to the State Council. Its president sits at the powerful Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the highest authority within the Party. Xinhua operates 107 foreign bureaus worldwide, and maintains 31 bureaus in China—one for each province, plus a military bureau. History[edit] The Xinhua press agency was started in November 1931 as the Red China News Agency and changed to its current name in 1937.[3] During the Pacific War the agency developed overseas broadcasting capabilities and established its first overseas branches.[3] It began broadcasting to foreign countries in English from 1944. Like many other media organizations, Xinhua struggled to find the "right line" to use in covering the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. Reach[edit] Internal media[edit] Xinhua in Cairo[edit] Reuters--and Xinhua? To anyone familiar with China, the word "Xinhua" is synonymous with official propaganda.
For decades, it was through Xinhua News Agency, the official Communist news service, that the world heard about the crimes of those running dogs of capitalism. While Xinhua still clings to the official party line, one offshoot of the agency now wants to be taken seriously by the world's capitalists. The Xinhua Financial Network, founded three years ago, aspires to be the Bloomberg or Dow Jones of China. Today, XFN offers credit ratings, stock indexes and analysis, financial news, and more. The need for such a service grows more pressing daily. In March, China will for the first time allow qualified foreign institutional investors to trade in so-called A-shares, giving them access to the stock of nearly 1,200 companies previously restricted to domestic investors. Yet there's a dearth of reliable and timely financial data on those companies, which is what XFN aims to provide.
Ambitious stuff. Charm Offensive - Kurlantzick, Joshua. Joshua Kurlantzick Out of Print. Shortlisted for the 2008 Arthur Ross Book Award, given by the Council on Foreign Relations. Selected by Choice magazine as an Outstanding Academic Title from 2008. Click here to listen to an interview with the author on the Yale Press Podcast. Listen to Joshua Kurlantzick's recent reading on BookTV. Click here to listen to an interview with the author on the Yale Press Podcast. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, China is poised to become a major global power. This book is the first to examine the significance of China’s recent reliance on soft power—diplomacy, trade incentives, cultural and educational exchange opportunities, and other techniques—to project a benign national image, position itself as a model of social and economic success, and develop stronger international alliances. Beijing’s new diplomacy has altered the political landscape in Southeast Asia and far beyond, changing the dynamics of China’s relationships with other countries.
Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power Is Transforming the World (A New Republic Book) (9780195695113): Joshua Kurlantzick.