Foreign Relations of Russia

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54- Russia's Far East Policy 54- Russia's Far East Policy Russian writers like Dmitri Trenin have called developing the Russian Far East (RFE) a civilizational task. At the same time Moscow has acknowledged that developing the RFE is the foundation for any successful Russian claim to an independent great power status in Asia. Yet careful examination of Russian relations with the major Northeast Asian powers: China, Japan, and South Korea, strongly suggests that Russia has failed at this task and that its economic-political system is the primary reason for this failure.
Relations between Russia and Saudi Arabia have never been as friendly as they were in 2009. After years of tension over Saudi support for Islamist fundamentalism in the post-Soviet space and Russia's proximity to Iran and Iraq, Moscow and Riyadh have progressively moved closer to each other. This rapprochement was aided by the increasing complexity of their respective relationships with the US, concerns caused by the situation in Iraq and, between 2003 and 2008, rising fuel prices. 52- Russia's Saudi Arabian Diplomacy 52- Russia's Saudi Arabian Diplomacy
53-Results of the "Reset" in US-Russian Relations
50- Europe in Russian Foreign Policy: 50- Europe in Russian Foreign Policy: It is now necessary to ask ourselves what place Europe holds in Russian foreign policy, given the recent developments in the latter. Indeed, Europe is by far Russia's most important partner. Nevertheless, Russia is developing a discourse of emerging state, in order to highlight the rapid loss of influence of Europeans in global affairs. Europe is still necessary in Moscow's eyes, but is no longer sufficient on its own. Russia is anticipating Europe's marginalization, all the while knowing that its own level of marginalization will depend upon the relationship that it forges with it.
49. Russia's Greater Middle East Policy 49. Russia's Greater Middle East Policy Russia's foreign policy toward the Greater Middle East is not an aggressive, anti-Western one, but a defensive policy aimed more at protecting Russian economic interests, working with virtually any government that opposes Sunni radicalism, and preventing Moscow from becoming a target of Muslim anger as occurred during the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan (1979-1989) and Chechnya (since 1994). Mark N. Katz is a professor of government and politics at George Mason University, Fairfax, US. He writes on Russian foreign policy, the International Relations of the Middle East, and transnational revolutionary movements.
47- Russia, China and the US Strategic Tri 47- Russia, China and the US Strategic Tri Over the past decade, there has been much talk about a new world order, in which American "unipolarity" would be superseded by more equal arrangements between the great powers. One such idea is a return to the Russia-China-US triangle. In truth, however, the time for such geopolitical schemes has long passed. The contemporary international system is too complex and interdependent to be reduced to crude strategic balancing-a reality underlined by the global financial crisis.
45-Westernizers&Sinophiles in Russian FP
40-NATO & Russia : Threat Perceptions
39- Obama and Russia
54- Russia's Far East Policy: Looking Beyond China
38- Russia in Latin America
37-Russia's Armed Forces:Power of Illusi
21- Russia and the Deadlock over Kosovo
16- Russia and the WTO
9- Ukraine : Weakness & Dependence
1- The Sino-Russian Relations