(in)direct forms of censorship and counterreactions
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UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression
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Appell gegen die Kriminalisierung von Wikileaks Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte der Vereinten Nationen Artikel 19: "Jeder hat das Recht auf Meinungsfreiheit und freie Meinungsäußerung; dieses Recht schließt die Freiheit ein, Meinungen ungehindert anzuhängen sowie über Medien jeder Art und ohne Rücksicht auf Grenzen Informationen und Gedankengut zu suchen, zu empfangen und zu verbreiten."
One of the big outstanding questions in the story of the plot to undermine WikiLeaks and Salon’s Glenn Greenwald, as well as a separate plan to discredit critics of the Chamber of Commerce, is the nature of the role played by the large international law firm Hunton & Williams.
It’s well known at this point that HBGary Federal was one of several technology firms recently exposed for scheming to attack WikiLeaks, Salon’s Glenn Greenwald, and critics of the Chamber of Commerce. What has gotten less attention is just how much business HBGary Federal and its partner company, HBGary, do with the United States government.
We want to draw attention to the story as Glenn found himself involved not by any particular act or will of his own, but by virtue of the fact that he is one of the most powerful truth speakers in American journalism today.
The First Amendment ( Amendment I ) to the United States Constitution is part of the Bill of Rights that prohibits the making of any law respecting an establishment of religion , impeding the free exercise of religion , abridging the freedom of speech , infringing on the freedom of the press , interfering with the right to peaceably assemble or prohibiting the petitioning for a governmental redress of grievances . Originally, the First Amendment applied only to laws enacted by the Congress .
ROME 4 November 1950
<img src="http://www.wired.com/images_blogs/threatlevel/2010/12/Kenneth-Wainstein.jpg" alt="" title="Kenneth Wainstein" width="198" height="245" class="alignright size-full wp-image-22022" />
I’m speaking at the Open Video Conference in New York City today on a panel with noted Indian legal activist, Lawrence Liang .
September 2010 Authored by Jillian C. York, with contributions from Robert Faris and Ron Deibert, and editorial assistance from Rebekah Heacock Online conversations today exist primarily in the realm of social media and blogging platforms, most of which are owned by private companies.
Zeynep Tufekci argues that “What the Wikileaks furor shows us is that a dissent tax is emerging on the Internet”: …the Internet is not a true public sphere; it is a public sphere erected on private property , what I have dubbed a “quasi-public sphere ,” where the property owners can sideline and constrain dissent…During these past weeks [we have seen] the crumbling of the facade of a flat, equal, open Internet and the revelation of an Internet which has corporate power occupying its key crossroads, ever-so-sensitive to any whiff of displeasure by the state. I saw an Internet in danger of becoming merely an interactive version of the television in terms of effective freedom of speech.
How to save Julian Assange's movement from itself. American diplomacy seems to have survived Wikileaks’s “attack on the international community,” as Hillary Clinton so dramatically characterized it, unscathed. Save for a few diplomatic reshuffles, Foggy Bottom doesn’t seem to be deeply affected by what happened.
A year ago this January, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton took the stage at Washington's Newseum to tout an idea that her State Department had become very taken with: the Internet's ability to spread freedom and democracy.
governments (inter)national law
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