6 Democracy and Nuclear Stuff

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Democratic theory

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) is a group of nuclear supplier countries which seeks to contribute to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons through the implementation of Guidelines for nuclear exports and nuclear related exports. The NSG Guidelines are implemented by each Participating Government in accordance with its national laws and practices. Decisions on export applications are taken at the national level in accordance with national export licensing requirements. DISCLAIMER The views and opinions expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect those of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) as a whole, or of the NSG Chair, the standing authority. Neither the NSG, nor the NSG Chair, nor the host of the web site makes any warranty, expressed or implied, or assumes any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, completeness, or adequacy of any information disclosed. http://www.nuclearsuppliersgroup.org/Leng/default.htm

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The Nuclear Weapons Modernization Budget » FAS Strategic Security Blog

http://www.fas.org/blog/ssp/2011/02/nuclearbudget.php By Hans M. Kristensen The Obama administration has published its budget request for Fiscal Year 2012, which includes its plans for maintaining and modernizing its nuclear weapons arsenal. Due to the extensive debate about the New START treaty last year a great deal of the nuclear plans were already known. And the budget request demonstrates that the administration follows through on its promise to modernize the U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal and production facilities.

GAO Report Challenges Nuclear Weapons Spending Spree » FAS Strategic Security Blog

http://www.fas.org/blog/ssp/2011/02/gaoreport.php Feb 14 . By Hans M. Kristensen At a time when the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) is asking Congress to authorize billions of dollars to modernize what it calls its “aging” nuclear infrastructure for maintaining and producing nuclear weapons, a new report from the General Accounting Office (GAO) concludes that “NNSA does not have accurate, reliable, or complete data on the condition and replacement value of its almost 3,000 weapons activities facilities.”
I believe that US nuclear forces, policies and posture are mis-aligned with today’s security environment. The current budget crisis provides the best opportunity to fundamentally realign our approach to nuclear deterrence since the end of the Cold War. That simple fact — that this is a decisive moment — is why we have an intensely personal and partisan debate over the normally mundane question of how to calculate the nuclear weapons budget. Some people are bitching and moaning about the Ploughshares estimate of $700 billion in spending “on nuclear weapons and related programs during the next ten years.” Many of them are only upset because they are losing the debate over US nuclear weapons policy. In particular, some of the same people screaming about $700 billion are the same people suggesting China might have 3,000 nuclear weapons. http://lewis.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/4759/the-nuclear-weapons-budget

The Nuclear Weapons Budget

In a recent article , Jeffrey Lewis of Arms Control Wonk outlined what could happen to U.S. nuclear forces under a sequestration budget. He illustrates that even with Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta’s so-called “doomsday” cuts to nuclear weapons related activities, the U.S. could still field enough warheads to greatly surpass the limits put in place by New START. What could that “doomsday” look like if the U.S. maximized its nuclear forces? ( View at full size ) Lewis is careful to note that these cuts are what could happen and not necessarily what will happen. Likewise, he posits a nuclear force that we could have under the deepest cuts. http://ploughshares.org/blog/2011-12-05/vulnerable-2672-nuclear-warheads

Vulnerable at 2,672 Nuclear Warheads? | Ploughshares Fund

We do not purchase one at the expense of the other. “Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety.” —Benjamin Franklin They are perhaps the most famous words ever written about the relationship between liberty and security. They have become iconic. http://www.hoover.org/publications/defining-ideas/article/99536

Liberty and Security: Hostile Allies

The Ballistic Missile Defense Review (BMDR) is a review conducted pursuant to guidance from the President and the Secretary of Defense, while also addressing the legislative requirement to assess U.S. ballistic missile defense policy and strategy.

Ballistic Missile Defense Review

http://www.defense.gov/bmdr/
http://whynationsfail.com/blog/2012/3/30/democracy-and-its-discontents.html

Democracy and its discontents

We live in a much more democratic world than our great-grandparents.
http://www.nti.org/analysis/articles/transparency-us-nuclear-security-budget/

Unaccountable: Exploring the Lack of Budgetary Transparency for U.S. Nuclear Security Spending | Articles | NTI Analysis | NTI

With U.S. federal government spending, including defense spending, now expected to decline sharply over the next decade—even as the Obama administration has pledged to invest more than $210 billion to upgrade the U.S. nuclear arsenal and its supporting infrastructure—it becomes increasingly important to know where nuclear security dollars—money spent on nuclear weapons and weapons-related programs (such as cooperative threat reduction)—are going on both an annual and a cumulative basis. [1]

Latest Empirical Findings on Democratic Effects of the Internet

http://irevolution.net/2010/12/28/groshek-2010/ Jacob Groshek from Iowa State University recently published the latest results from his research on the democratic effects of the Internet in the International Journal of Communication . A copy of Groshek’s study is available here ( PDF ). Groshek published an earlier study in 2009 which I blogged about here. In this latest set of findings, Groshek concludes that “Internet diffusion was not a specific causal mechanism of national-level democratic growth during the timeframe analyzed,” which was 1994-2003. The author therefore argues that “the diffusion of the Internet should not be considered a democratic panacea, but rather a component of contemporary democratization processes.” Interestingly, these conclusions seem to contradict his findings from 2009.