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I Can Find an Indicted Warlord. So Why Isn't He in The Hague? T.J. Kirkpatrick/AP Photo Update (3/18/2013, 10:49 a.m. PDT): The US State Department confirms that Bosco Ntaganda has turned himself in to the US Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda. After entering the embassy, the wanted warlord requested a transfer to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. "We are working to facilitate the requests Ntaganda has made," a State Department spokesperson tells Mother Jones. Bosco Ntaganda loves a dinner party. That's why one Congolese driver told me he couldn't take me around Goma because he would be killed the moment I left. That's not included in the official indictment against Bosco.

His last day in Goma, the filmmaker pushed the furniture in his hotel room up against the door, passing the night barricaded behind it, with his eyes wide open and a knife in his hand. And that's why everyone in this dusty, volcano-fringed capital (PDF) talks like spies. So. He was lucky. The International Criminal Court is international, but it's not global.

Algeria

Sierra Leone. Nigeria. Somalia. Kenya. The Chinese-African Union - An FP Slide Show. When the new African Union (AU) headquarters was unveiled in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, earlier this year, the $200 million structure -- now the capital city's tallest building -- caused a splash. But it wasn't just the mammoth building's impressive spec sheet that drew comment, it was also the project's bankroller: China. The Chinese government has been leading a construction boom across Africa, setting up huge dams and infrastructure projects, soccer stadiums, and even the world's third largest mosque in Algeria. And the lavish new AU headquarters was paid for -- in its entirety -- by the Chinese government. The towering edifice houses three conference centers, its own helipad, and enough office space to accommodate 700 workers.

Above, an exterior view of the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa on Jan. 28, 2011. Africa Unleashed. It is well known that the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s were a disaster for the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. In a period when other underdeveloped regions, especially Asia, were experiencing steady economic growth, Africa as a whole saw its living standards plummet. Nearly all Africans lived under dictatorships, and millions suffered through brutal civil wars. Then, in the 1990s, the HIV/AIDS epidemic exploded, slashing life expectancy and heightening the sense that the region had reached rock bottom.

It was no surprise when an intellectual cottage industry of Afro-pessimists emerged, churning out a stream of plausible-sounding explanations for Africa's stunning decline. What is less well known is that Africa's prospects have changed radically over the past decade or so. To continue reading, please log in. Don't have an account? Register Register now to get three articles each month. As a subscriber, you get unrestricted access to ForeignAffairs.com. Register for free to continue reading. Africa’s Stolen History - Juliet Torome. Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space NAIROBI – The news that Yale University has agreed to return thousands of artifacts that one of its researchers took from Peru in 1911 reminded me of a party that I attended recently – one that I had to leave prematurely.

An African friend had invited me to the event, at an acquaintance’s home. The host, a wealthy American, proudly displayed his collection of paintings and sculptures. As he showed us around, there was one object that appeared to be African, but I wasn’t sure; on occasion, I have identified art as African only to learn that it was, in fact, Native American. The piece was an animal skin stretched and decorated with colored beads, and framed behind glass. “Where is that from?” “That is from Zimbabwe,” our host replied. For an African away from home, finding even the most insignificant African object on display can make you happy. “I’m so disgusted,” my friend said a moment later. We left the party. Paul Collier | The Future of Fair Trade - Africa Must Liberalize Internally | The European Magazine. The European: How fair is fair trade? Collier: First of all, it is very sensible for anybody concerned with development to be concerned about trade.

Trade really is more important than aid. And so getting the basis for trade right is indeed a very important thing to focus on. I think there has been a tendency of the fair trade movement to sometime focus too much on particular issues. Fair trade coffee obviously did not increase the demand for coffee. It just switched it from one type of coffee to another type of coffee. The European: So, if those farmers who produce fair trade products get higher prices for their products, would that not lead poor farmers to actually try to produce fair trade products as well? The European: What would that mean for Africa? The European: In your opinion, what way is there to improve the economic partnership between Europe and Africa?

The European: The war in Libya has often been cited as a humanitarian military intervention. More Conversations. News Desk: Ten Biggest Positive Africa Stories of 2011. Book Review: Africa's Moment | Season of Rains. "An African Horn of Plenty" by José Graciano da Silva. Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space ROME – After six months and the deaths of tens of thousands of people, the famine in Somalia – caused by the worst drought in 60 years – is over. But a wider crisis in Africa continues. In the Horn of Africa – Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, and Sudan – some 14.6 million children, women, and men remain without enough food. While to the west, in the Sahel countries of Niger, Chad, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania, another 14 million are threatened. Even worse, there is a high risk in Somalia that famine will recur unless coordinated, long-term action is taken. In just over a decade, the Horn of Africa has suffered three droughts, followed by severe crises.

We must ensure that this does not happen again by joining forces now to banish hunger from the region once and for all. The world community must continue to implement such approaches if it wishes to contain and prevent further crises. Droughts are not preventable. Chocolate-Fueled Growth - Kandeh K. Yumkella. Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space VIENNA – As an African, my dream for the next decade is to see the continent producing and selling chocolate to 300 million Chinese, instead of exporting raw commodities like cocoa.

Several weeks ago, at the China-Africa Symposium in Xiamen, China, I tested this vision on the audience, and the 2,000-plus delegates joined in resounding applause. Business and government leaders are evidently ready to see Africa introduce structural change aimed at creating manufacturing-based national economies. While many have touted Africa’s success in maintaining a 5-6% average GDP growth rate during the past decade, this masks the reality that by 2005, sub-Saharan Africa was little better off than it was a quarter-century earlier: it was still the world’s poorest region, with just over half of its population living on less than $1.25 a day in purchasing parity terms. This needs to change. An elemental force: Uranium production in Africa, and what it means to be nuclear. "Decolonizing the Franc Zone" by Sanou Mbaye. Exit from comment view mode. Click to hide this space DAKAR – France is wrestling with a burden of debts and public deficits that led Standard & Poor’s recently to downgrade its credit rating.

Even as the risk of recession looms, the country has been forced to implement a drastic austerity program. But France’s woes are also being felt far beyond its borders, sparking rumors of a possible devaluation of the CFA franc, the common currency of the franc zone, which comprises 14 African countries and the Comoros Islands in the Indian Ocean. The franc zone is, in fact, an appendage of the French economy. The& CFA& franc’s& fixed exchange rate is pegged to the& euro and& overvalued in order to shield French companies from euro& depreciation.

To curb the public deficits that such policies entail, the franc-zone countries underwent drastic structural-adjustment programs throughout the 1980’s and 1990’s, under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The White Savior Industrial Complex - Teju Cole - International. Sharing the Burden - By Charles Kenny. It's 113 years since Rudyard Kipling -- poet propagandist for empire -- exhorted Americans, newly ensconced as the colonial power in the Philippines, to "Take up the White Man's burden/The savage wars of peace/Fill full the mouth of Famine/And bid the sickness cease.

" A century and change later, a new survey suggests people in the rich world have attitudes towards developing countries that would make Kipling proud. And not only are their views completely out of touch with what is going on in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, but they are positively harmful to continued progress in the developing and rich worlds alike. The survey, by Intermedia, looks at popular attitudes towards international development in countries including Britain, France, Germany, and the United States. The good news for harried aid-agency staff fearful of swinging budget cuts is that there are a lot of people in Europe and America who care about global development.

Chris Jackson/Getty Images. How Not to Write About Africa - By Laura Seay. It's hard out here for us old Africa hands. We are desperate to see more coverage of important stories from the continent and for our neighbors to become more educated about the places where we study and work. Yet when we get that coverage, it tends to make us cringe. Take, for instance, the current violence in northern Mali. In the last six weeks, Mali has experienced a coup d'état and a declaration of independence from rebels who now loosely control half its territory. The recent conflict has displaced approximately 268,000 people as various groups of Islamists and separatist rebels jostle for control of desert oasis cities as a drought-driven food crisis looms with the arrival of the country's hot season.

Or consider the flurry of coverage of Central Africa that followed March's "Kony 2012" phenomenon. To Africa-watchers, there is a clear double standard for journalistic quality, integrity, and ethics when it comes to reporting on the continent. This is insane. Africa’s Dirty Wars by Jeffrey Gettleman. Warfare in Independent Africa by William Reno Cambridge University Press, 271 pp., $27.99 (paper) In December 2009, the Lord’s Resistance Army, a brutal African rebel group guided by a wig-wearing commander named Joseph Kony, massacred more than three hundred people in a remote corner of northeastern Congo. Most of the victims were clubbed to death, some were killed with machetes, a few were shot, and a few more were strangled. The LRA, as it is widely known—in Congo it’s simply called tonga-tonga, which means something like “those who attack silently”—had just kidnapped hundreds of people and was moving quickly through the bush.

Anyone who couldn’t keep up was killed. Most often the other conscripts, many of them children, were forced to do the killing. Because that corner of Congo is so isolated and sparsely populated, it took weeks for news of the massacre to filter out, unusual in today’s hyperconnected world. This is the story of conflict in Africa these days. Food and nutrition crisis in Sahel region of Africa. A potentially catastrophic food crisis in the Sahel region of West and Central Africa could affect as many as one million children.

The food and nutrition crisis resulting from a severe drought, threatens the survival of an entire generation of children. Those children in eight countries - Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger, Cameroon, Nigeria and Senegal - are at risk of severe acute malnutrition. Sparse rainfall, poor harvests and rising food prices have left many vulnerable and weak, seeking medical attention. Sahel is one of the poorest regions in the world where children already face daunting odds of survival. The current crisis makes their survival even more tenuous. Associated Press photographer, Ben Curtis, documented the conditions in the region. -- Paula Nelson (EDITORS NOTE: We will not be posting Monday, May 14) (32 photos total) A woman carries her child amidst dusty winds in the desert near Mondo, a village in the Sahel belt of Chad, April 19, 2012.

East Africa Is the New Epicenter of America's Shadow War | Danger Room. When Adm. Eric Olson, the former leader of U.S. Special Operations Command, wanted to explain where his forces were going, he would show audiences a photo that NASA took, titled “The World at Night.” The lit areas showed the governed, stable, orderly parts of the planet. The areas without lights were the danger zones — the impoverished, the power vacuums, the places overrun with militants that prompted the attention of elite U.S. troops. And few places were darker, in Olson’s eyes, than East Africa.

Quietly, and especially over the last two to three years, special operations forces have focused on that very shadowy spot on NASA’s map (see below). The successful Tuesday night raid to free two humanitarian aid workers from captivity in Somalia is only the most recent and high-profile example. It’s not quite the new Pakistan, or even the new Yemen, but it’s close — especially as new bases for the U.S.’s Shadow Wars pop up and expand. That’s where the forces Olson used to run came in.

5 Other People Ruining Zimbabwe - By Erin Conway-Smith. When Robert Mugabe turned 88 in February, he celebrated with five massive cakes, a soccer tournament dubbed the "Bob 88 Super Cup," and a beauty pageant. "The day will come when I will become sick," Mugabe told Radio Zimbabwe, according to AFP. "As of now I am fit as a fiddle. " Fortified with Botox, vitamin shots and black hair dye, Mugabe still seems pretty feisty, last week running down civilians with his motorcade and taking a bloated entourage to the United Nations sustainable development conference in Rio de Janiero, Brazil.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwe is limping along, its economy broken and its government barely functioning. But while Mugabe continues to get all the international attention, he can't be held solely responsible for Zimbabwe's ongoing turmoil. Here's a list of five people who also deserve a bit of the blame. 1) Emmerson Mnangagwa Joseph Mwenda/AFP/GettyImages 2. JEKESAI NJIKIZANA/AFP/Getty Images 3. 4. ISSOUF SANOGO/AFP/Getty Images 5. RODGER BOSCH/AFP/GettyImages. Obama takes on the LRA. Central African Republic: LRA Attacks Escalate. (Nairobi) – The Ugandan Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebel group has increased its attacks in the Central African Republic (CAR) since the beginning of 2012, putting civilians in affected areas in need of urgent protection, Human Rights Watch said today.

Attacks also continue in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The LRA carried out at least 53 new attacks in Congo and CAR between January and March, abducting 90 civilians and killing nine others, according to new research by Human Rights Watch in CAR and United Nations (UN) documentation. The number of attacks in southeastern CAR is a significant increase over attacks reported in 2011. “The increase in LRA attacks shows that the rebel group is not a spent force and remains a serious threat to civilians,” said Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. Two sisters from Agoumar, ages 43 and 62, told Human Rights Watch that they had gone fishing on February 27 when the LRA abducted them.

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Malawi

Rwanda. North & South Sudan. Uganda. Democratic Republic of the Congo. Burundi. Ethiopia. South Africa. Senegal. Liberia. Mauritania. Equatorial Guinea. Mali. Morocco.