The Economics of Palestinian Liberation. How the PLO went from building a developmental state in exile to accepting a neoliberal economy under colonialism. Khaled Hijazi / Palestine Poster Project On the eve of the dismemberment of the Palestinian Liberation Organization’s (PLO) military apparatus and its related civil and political infrastructure in Lebanon in 1982, even friendly critics of its performance in the country were not far off the mark in describing it as a “state within a state.” Until scattering to all corners of the Arab world as a result of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, the PLO administration had effectively shared sovereignty with the Lebanese state over a large swath of the country for most of the preceding decade and had developed state-like institutions.
Even in the exile of the refugee camps of Lebanon, the PLO found it difficult to resist pretensions to “national” state-building goals. In the vision of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat at the time: The lure of Arab socialism Financing the revolution in the 1970s. Gaza reconstruction: The new Israeli strategy. The Israeli military has arrived at the conclusion that its near-total blockade of the Gaza Strip “has done more harm than good”, Israeli website Ynet - the online presence of daily Yedioth Ahronoth - reported on Friday. The report listed the details of what veteran military correspondent Ron Ben Yishai described as Israel’s comprehensive plan for the Gaza Strip in the wake of the summer’s war.
According to Ben Yishai, who relies throughout the piece on unnamed military and government sources in Israel, the new strategy represents a decisive shift away from the idea of negotiating an independent state for the Palestinians and toward a tightly monitored “conflict management” approach. Under this approach, Palestinians will be allowed greater freedom of movement and greater autonomy, but under close Israeli and international surveillance. Drone-supervised construction sites The report lists the known components of the agreement as follows. From prison camp to a dystopian Supremax. Norman G. Finkelstein. Facing increased right-wing violence, Israeli leftists learn to fight back.
Attacks against Arabs in Jerusalem became routine this past summer and in Tel Aviv left-wing activists faced violence from the Right. ‘We don’t want to attack Baruch Marzel’s headquarters or anything, but we believe the victimhood of the Left must end here,’ one activists explains. Thursday and Saturday nights in downtown Jerusalem have become terrifying. On those days, a group of youth gathers in West Jerusalem’s Zion Square, often next to a permanent pop-up stand manned by members of anti-miscegenation group Lehava. The youth meet there and then take to the streets chanting “Death to Arabs,” harassing and assaulting Arab cab drivers, women in hijabs and businesses that employ Arabs.
Since they became active, fewer and fewer Palestinians have been stepping foot in this part of the city. That night marked the (temporary) crystallization of left-wing self defense groups in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and other cities in Israel. Meaning? “Let’s just say we came prepared. Taking back the streets. Bibi has turned me into an 'anti-Semite' - OpinionIsrael News - Haaretz Israeli News source. Cary Nelson, the AAUP, and the privilege of bestowing academic freedom. One of the most prominent US voices against the academic boycott of Israel is Cary Nelson, professor of English at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. From 2006 to 2012, Nelson served as the president of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP), the leading organization championing academic freedom and shared governance in US postsecondary schools.
In the name of academic freedom, the AAUP has spoken out against pro-Israel attempts at campus censorship, as in the high-profile cases of Norman Finkelstein, Joseph Massad, Nadia Abu El-Haj, and last year’s BDS talk at Brooklyn College. At the same time, the AAUP has taken a position against all academic boycotts, also citing academic freedom. Nelson’s still-prominent role in the AAUP, along with his extensive writing and advocacy for academic freedom, has allowed him to speak authoritatively against the academic boycott of Israel in outlets such as Inside Higher Ed, Democracy Now!
Part 1. Part 2. Part 3. Part 1. Black on Palestine. Given the primacy of civil rights in the Palestinian and Israeli conflict, the racism directed towards Palestinians and other communities of color in the Middle East, the growth of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, and the mounting relevance of an Apartheid analogy to Israeli policies, voices of African Heritage communities are increasingly important to strengthen and support struggles for justice in the Middle East.
This program is built upon existing efforts within African Heritage communities and will strengthen work focusing on civil rights in Israel, justice in Palestine, and the growth of boycott, divestment and sanctions campaigns nationally. Little can do more to amplify such voices than an on-the-ground experience which allows participants the chance to develop strong and lasting relationships with Palestinian and Israeli activists. Goals of the African Heritage Delegations include: Full article here:
Huck and Jim vs. Herzl and Morris: Mark Twain on Zionism and the first aliyah. Mark Twain’s visitors pass to Palestine issued by the Ottomans in 1867. (Photo by Shapell Manuscript Foundation via Haaretz) Anyone reading Joan Peters’s From Time Immemorial or its fetid progeny, Alan Dershowitz’s The Case for Israel, will find Mark Twain’s Innocents Abroad invoked as evidence for the claim that there weren’t many or any Palestinians in Palestine. Dershowitz comments, “Other travelers recorded similar accounts of Palestine prior to the arrival of the Jews of the First Aliyah, who began the process of revitalizing the land and increasing its population by creating jobs and an infrastructure” (p. 24).
This is a classic settler colonial argument for land theft. One can find versions of it the writings of John Winthrop on seventeenth-century Massachusetts, in Thomas More’s Utopia, and in Jabotinsky’s The Iron Wall. Twain is thinking about the contemporary First Aliyah, (1882-1903), which brought thirty thousand European Jews to what was then Ottoman Palestine. “Oh, shucks! Beyond Compromise - الثَّوابِت. +972 Magazine | Independent commentary and news from Israel & Palestine. An Arab & A Jew On: 'Goliath' Watch the video on Israeli racism The New York Times didn't want you to see.
Regular readers of The Electronic Intifada are familiar with the shocking and escalating racism in Israel against people from countries in Africa. Our extensive coverage of the incitement and attacks on Africans, thanks in large part to the work of David Sheen, demonstrates that this phenomenon is not marginal, but is incited by Israel’s top political leadership. When Israeli government ministers incite angry mobs, calling Africans “cancer,” they are simply expressing another face of the racism that Palestinians have always experienced.
Solicited, then rejected by The New York Times Yet rarely does this knowledge make it into mainstream media. The example of the video above, Israel’s New Racism: The Persecution of African Migrants in the Holy Land, produced by David Sheen and Max Blumenthal, helps us to understand why. Blumenthal explained to Consortium News how The New York Times commissioned the 11-minute video, but after the paper’s editors saw it, refused to publish it: The Electronic Intifada. Apartheid Propaganda: Netanyahu Likens Palestinians to Nazis | Interview with Max Blumenthal. Edward Said - The Last Interview (2004) Jews Without Israel. In shul this morning, the second day of Rosh Hashanah, the rabbi spoke at length about the State of Israel. This is more surprising than you might think.
I’ve been going to this shul since I moved to Brooklyn in 1999, and if memory serves, it’s only been in the last two or three years that the rabbi has devoted at least one of her High Holy Days talks to Israel. Throughout the aughts, Israel didn’t come up much in shul. During flash points of the Second Intifada, you might hear a prayer for Jewish Israelis or nervous temporizing about some action in Jenin or Gaza. But I can’t recall an entire sermon devoted to the State of Israel and its meaning for Jews. That’s also how I remember much of my synagogue experience as a kid. But for all of Israel’s role in my Jewish upbringing, I don’t remember my rabbi talking about the state all that much.
But aside from this one instance, my memory of my rabbi is that he was relatively silent on the topic. I know how she feels. Shanah Tovah. In Ramallah market, Max Blumenthal shows the fruits of occupatioin.